-------------------------- BurmaNet -------------------------- "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" -------------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: May 1 1995, Monday Issue #162 -------------------------------------------------------------- PBBC: PEPSI TRIES TO GET POLICE TO STOP PROTEST NATION: WIMOL PUSHING HARD FOR KAREN REFUGEE REPATRIATION NATION: HOUSE OF LORDS AGAINST CURBS ON BURMA LOS ANGELES TIMES: THAILAND OPENLY BACKS MYANMAR PIPELINE SCB: BYVA'S 'THINGYAN' MAKES A SPLASH IN JAPAN SCB: HELP WITH MY RESEARCH ON THE BURMESE SCB: BOOK ON BURMA TRAVEL/LITERATURE SCB: BURMA HUMAN RIGHTS REPORTS # 15 -------------------------------------------------------------- o-------------------------------o The BurmaNet News is an | | electronic newspaper | Iti | covering Burma. 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For a | governedbythe | free subscription to | ruleoflaw... | the BurmaNet News, send | Fearisahabi | an e-mail message to: | t.Iam | | no | majordomo@igc.apc.org | taf | | ra | In the body of the message, | id. | type: subscribe burmanews-l | Aun | [news only mailing list], | gSa | or, for the news+discussion | nS | list, type: | uu | subscribe burmanet-l | Ky | | i. | Correspondance and letters o-------------------------------o to the editor should be addressed to: strider@igc.apc.org -------------------------------------------------------------- INFORMATION REQUEST: If any reader has or knows where to find detailed information on the charges that the Burmese army misused American DEA- supplied aircraft against minority groups in Burma, please contact burmanet@igc.apc.org -------------------------------------------------------------- PBBC: PEPSI TRIES TO GET POLICE TO STOP PROTEST Pepsi-Burma Boycott Committee For more information, contact Bob Gaulke, 230-9029 Portland OR, April 29: Pepsi-owned Kentucky Fried Chicken called Portland police in an unsuccessful attempt to stop a protest in front of a restaurant today in downtown Portland. The demonstration was organized to protest Pepsi's investment in Burma and export of slave labor production. "What I see here is a legal demonstration," said one police officer who refused to intervene. A second police car was called to the scene and similarly took no action against the protestors. Few people entered the restaurant during the high-visibility "Chicken and Slavery" demonstration organized by the Pepsi-Burma Boycott Committee. "We're just seeing Pepsi's usual reaction to democracy when they tried to shut us down," said Brian Schmidt, a boycott committee volunteer. "From paying taxes that keep a Nobel Peace Prize Winner imprisoned, to the export of slave labor agriculture which they pass of as 'small farmer produce,' and to refusing their shareholders a chance to vote on the issue, Pepsi has shown a contempt for democracy. The way people should respond to Pepsi is by voting with their wallets and boycotting its products and those of the other big investors, Unocal and Texaco." Diane Mechling, another protestor, said "People had a very positive reaction. We gave handed information to a lot of passing cars, and many people waved to us or honked their horns in support of the protest." Ten protestors handed out hundreds of leaflets and promoted the boycott alongside busy West Burnside and 21st Street. The protest had special concern for Pepsi's connection to slavery in Burma. "For years Pepsi has purchased cash crops like sesame seeds in the Burmese market where military front companies sell crops made from slave labor camps in the frontier areas where they attack hill-tribe people," said Brian Schmidt. "This kind of slave labor has been documented by many human rights groups and submitted to the UN Commission on Human Rights. Pepsi refuses to stop the practice despite appeals for it to stop that date to 1994. They shouldn't be allowed to get away with it." Burma has been labelled the "South Africa of the 1990s" due to attention paid to a growing divestment campaign. Companies such as Levi-Straus, Liz Claiborne and Eddie Bauer have withdrawn from Burma, while cities and universities have called on the remaining companies to withdraw. The Pepsi-Burma Boycott Committee is a grassroots group that advocates consumer boycotts of business investing in Burma, with a primary focus on Pepsi. PBBC organized a boycott of the planned Starbucks-Pepsi joint venture which led to Starbucks' declaration that the joint venture would not produce in or sell to Burma. PBBC provides information and boycott stickers, and documents Pepsi boycott publicity nationwide. NATION: WIMOL PUSHING HARD FOR KAREN REFUGEE REPATRIATION 30.4.95/The Nation ARMY Commander in Chief Gen Wimol Wongwanich yesterday insisted he would push for Karen refugees to be relocated in one central camp deeper inside Thailand in the wake of the attacks by armed Karen intruders who burned down refugee camps in Tak and Mae Hong Song provinces last week . Wimol said the Army would propose the idea to the government once the Interior Ministry had expressed its support. " I am preparing to submit a written proposal to the government. The Interior Ministry fully agrees to the idea but there seems to be a problem on the part of the Foreign Ministry, " he said . Besides the new refugee camps set up after troops of the Burmese government and a Buddhist Karen splinter group overran Karen strongholds in Burma recently , about 100 similar shelters were set up along the border by Karen who fled fighting in Burma during the Past decade, Wimol said . Many people had criticized the Army for having failed to protect those shelters from intruders , he said . Although the camps were located on Thai soil, critics just did not understand that the Army was unwilling to waste funds and man hours taking care of the refugees. One of the best alternatives was to push the Karen refugees back to Burma. Another was to put them inside a central refugee camp . The Army could not opt for repatriation because it would be denounced by foreign countries as lacking humanity , he said. In Tak province , Governor Kasem Nakkharat yesterday said Sgt Thawatchai Wanond , a Thai soldier who was captured and taken across the border into Burma by Democratic Karen Buddhist Army [DKBA] troops who attacked the Baw Naw camp in Tak's Tha Song Yang district on Friday , was freed unharmed yesterday. The camp was one of the five attacked and burned down by the intruding Karen troops in the northern border district on Friday. Kasem said provincial officials had already discussed with the Third Army Region and local Army commander the possibility of relocating the Karen refugees at one central camp. NATION: HOUSE OF LORDS AGAINST CURBS ON BURMA 30.4.95/The Nation LONDON--Resisting pressure from peers of all parties , the House of Lords on Friday voted against imposing trade sanctions against Burma's military junta. " We do not believe sanctions would be effective without international support , which we do not judge to be forthcoming " Lord Inglewood , the government 's bers of the unelected upper house of Parliament . Britain and its parthers in the European Union already have suspended non-humanitarian aid , imposed an arms embargo and severed defence links with Burma'shard-line State Law and Order Restoration Council . Summing up a short debate , Inglewood stressed the government's " genuine wish to see democracy , freedom and full respect for human rights restored " in Burma. But measures already in place " represent the most realistic way we can exert pressure for the re-establishment of those rights for that tortured country ,"he said " While we do not wish to offer succor to the regime , We don't believe isolating it entirely is necessarily going to benefit the Burmese people." Inglewood said the government's policy " is one of critical dialogue " with the regime in Rangoon . He added that the value of Britain's trade with Burma , which became independent from Britain in 1948 , amounted to only 13 million [US $ 20.8 million ]in 1994. LOS ANGELES TIMES: THAILAND OPENLY BACKS MYANMAR PIPELINE WORLD REPORT Saturday, April 29, 1995 Produced in Cooperation with The Yomiuri Shimbun Asia: Nation major investor in controversial project co-funded by Unocal. By Evelyn Iritani TIMES staff writer From the vantage point of Deputy Prime Minister Supachai Panitchpakdi, the difference between Thailand and its more controversial neighbor, the renegade nation of Myanmar (formerly Burma), is a few miles and several decades of development. That's why Thailand makes no apologies for its role as a major investor in a controversial natural gas pipeline project in Myanmar that has prompted widespread protests against Los Angeles-based Unocal Corp. Back in the mid-1970s, it was Thailand's military leaders who were criticized for crushing a democratically elected government and promoting economic development at the expense of political freedom. Today it is the military regime- in Myanmar that is under attack from abroad for its repression of political dissent and h treatment of ethnic minorities. Then, as now, it was foreign companies such as Unocal that offered these developing countries badly needed hard currency and technology, according to Supachai, who was interviewed in Los Angeles last week during a conference sponsored by the U.S.-Thailand Business Council. Today, Thailand is one of Asia's fastest-growing economies. It anticipates spending $60 billion on infrastructure projects in the next few years. That history, and a shared border, are why Thailand is the top investor in Myanmar and a partner with Unocal and Total, the French energy giant, in building a $1-billion natural-gas pipeline across that country, according to the Thai diplomat. Thailand, where Unocal has been producing natural gas since 1981, will be the major customer for the gas from the Myan- mar. As a close neighbor of Myanmar, Thailand has a lot more at stake than a steady supply of energy. Thousands of refugees, fleeing the fighting between Myanmar's military and a collection of rebel groups, live in camps in Thailand. "We can't turn our back on our neighbor," Supachai said. For the Clinton administration, Myanmar is yet another spot where its efforts to promote democracy and expand U.S. commercial interests abroad have collided. Human rights groups want Unocal and other U.S. companies to withdraw from Myanmar, arguing that they are propping up a repressive military regime that has imprisoned the country's legitimately elected leaders, including Nobel Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. They also cite reports from refugees that the Burmese military is displacing villagers along the pipeline route and is using forced labor to clear the area. Federated Department Stores, the owner of Macy's, announced last week it will halt clothing production in Myanmar within three months because it has become unprofitable. Eddie Bauer, Liz Claiborne and Levi Strauss pulled out of the country earlier, citing concerns over human rights abuses and political instability. Unocal executives argue their pipeline project will benefit the people of Myanmar by providing jobs and eventually the power needed to develop the impoverished country. Unocal spokesman David Garcia denied reports that forced labor is being used in connection with the pipeline project. He said the route is still being surveyed, and the final path has not even been selected. Supachai said he meets regularly with Myanmar's leaders and Thai business people who work in that country and has found no evidence of forced labor being used on the pipeline project. He said as the country attracts more tourism and business travel, it becomes difficult to hide widespread human rights abuses. He expressed optimism that Aung San Suu Kyi will be released soon. "Our prime minister asks about this every time he meets with the Burmese leaders," he said. Supachai, whose government is a leading advocate of a "constructive engagement" policy with Myanmar, argues an economic boycott would send that country "back to the dark ages." An increase in foreign trade and tourism, on the other hand, will force the military to give people more freedom as it relaxes border controls and encourages entrepreneurship, he said. Something as simple as Thailand's construction of a road across Burma into China will increase contact between the Myanmar people and their neighbors, Supachai said. "Eventually, the (Myanmar) government can't avoid giving more choices to their people," he said. Thailand also supports bringing Myanmar's leaders into the international arena by involving them more closely with their neighbors in the Assn. of Southeast Asian Nations, the region's major economic group. As Myanmar attracts more foreign investment and expands its economy, it will naturally lead to the creation of an educated middle class that will be able to push from within for expanded political and economic freedoms, Supachai said. "Burma's situation is much like Thailand a couple of decades ago. It will change not because of outside pressure, but because of changes from within." SCB: BYVA'S 'THINGYAN' MAKES A SPLASH IN JAPAN 9869mm soc.culture.burma 4:09 AM Apr 30, 1995 (at cet.co.jp) (From News system) BYVA's 'Thingyan' Makes a Splash in Tokyo Thousands of Burmese, Japanese and foreign residents celebrated the new year at Burma Youth Volunteer Association's fourth annual water festival (thingyan) in Tokyo on April 16. The festival, which featured Burmese food, music and dancing as well as information about prodemocracy groups working in Japan, raised money for Burmese monks in Japan and the Burmese democracy movement abroad. Participants also enjoyed making free international phone calls to friends and family back home, courtesy of KDD, sponsor of the festival. Honored guests included five Burmese monks living in Japan; U Win Khet of the National League for Democracy (Liberated Area) and Rep. Wada (Sakigake Party), a member of the Free Aung San Suu Kyi group in the Japanese Diet. SCB: HELP WITH MY RESEARCH ON THE BURMESE 6500hiro soc.culture.burma 3:54 AM Apr 29, 1995 (at ucsbuxa.ucsb.edu) (From News system) Hello dear friends! I'm a student of linguistics, and currently doing some work on Burmese. I am reading some references, such as John Okell's "A reference grammar of colloquial Burmese", but I have a big question (and probably more questions would come up) on the grammar. If native speakers on this newsgroup would answer my question(s), I would really appreciate it. You need no linguistic knowledge. Just tell me what you think or feel to my question. Please reply directly to me if you are interested. Thank you. Hiroaki Kitano 6500hiro@ucsbuxa.ucsb.edu SCB: BOOK ON BURMA TRAVEL/LITERATURE 100124.1125 soc.culture.burma 5:38 AM Apr 29, 1995 (at CompuServe.COM) (From News system) TRAVELLERS LITERARY COMPANION TO SOUTH-EAST ASIA scb readers may be interested in the recently published Travellers Literary Companion to South East Asia, edited by Alistair Dingwall, published 1994 by In Print Publishing, 9 Beaufort Terrace, Brighton, BN2 2SU UK fax 01273 620958, phone 01273 682836. It costs £13.95 in the UK. I got my copy at Books Etc in Covent Garden It contains 50 pages on Burma written by Anna Allott (editor of "Inked Over Ripped Out") and canters over pre- and post-colonial Burmese writing and colonial and post-colonial travel/fictional writing by Western writers. It includes a few extracts and a useful bibliography of books about and set in Burma. Vicky Bowman London SCB: BURMA HUMAN RIGHTS REPORTS # 15: uneoo Summary: A report on situation of human rights in Burma. /* posted Apr 29 14:10:32 CST 1995 by uneoo@physics.adelaide.edu.au on igc:soc.culture.burma */ /* ----------" HRSUB: Burma Support Group(Melbourne) "---------- */ [Subject: To inquire into and report on the human rights situation and lack of progress towards democracy in Myanmar(Burma) by the Human Rights Sub-Committee of the parliament of Australia. Submissions made to this enquiry by various people and organisations are re-posted here. Following section is redistributed to PeaceNet/Internet by permission from Burma Support Group, Melbourne, Victoria, 5/33 woolton Avenue, Thornbury 3071, Vic. -- U Ne Oo] # SUBMISSION NO. 15 BURMA SUPPORT GORUP (MELBOURNE) ------------------------------- (Part 1 of 4.) 31st October, 1994 Ms Margaret Swieringa Human Rights Sub-Committee Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and trade Parliament House CANBERRA ACT 2600 Dear Margaret, Now, we are sending our submission on human right ssituation and the lack of progress towards democracy in burma. We put all together with two other reference book in envelop. Your sincerely Signed. Soe Soe, Burma Support Group Melbourne, Victoria **** SUBMISSION TO HUMAN RIGHTS SUB-COMMITTEE JOINT STANDING COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS, DEFENCE AND TRADE PARLIAMENT HOUSE FROM BURMA SUPPORT GROUP (VICTORIA) THIS SUBMISSION FINISHED ON 31ST OCTOBER 1994. INTRODUCTION ------------ Burma Support Group Melbourne was founded in April 1993 to work with Burmese people in their struggle to restore democracy and respect for human rights in Burma. BSG is made up of Burmese students, Australian Students of Burmese culture, history and language, and community development workers. This submission by BSG to the Human Rights Sub-Committee inquiry into the human rights situation and the lack of progress towards democracy in Burma; is directed particularly towards senator Gareth Evan's "benchmark" objectives for Burma. These were announced in Bangkok on the 26th of July 1994. This submission has the following contents: 1. National Convention 2. Burma, Benchmarks and Forced Labour 3. SLORC and Drugs 4. Refugees 5. Rohingyas and Recognition 6. Political Prisoners 7. 1988 SLORC and Retreat 1. NATIONAL CONVENTION ---------------------- In April 1992, steps were taken to convene a National Convention, which will formulate a new constitution for Burma. Substantial problems are associated with this vital tool for democracy[1]. The SLORC , which is not legitimate government of Burma, had complete control over the Making of this constitution [2]. Furthermore, the composition of the groups of delegates is qquestionable [3]. There has been strict vetting of all "discussion" that would occur at eh National Convention. The process was far removed from what we would conceive as being democratic[4]. One of the many ludicrous outcomes of this process was the compulsory criteria stipulated for the President in future Burma. The person, for example, must have served in the Burmese military[5](therefore must be male), and cannot be married to a foreigner. Obviously these criteria would deprive Aung San Suu Kyi of leadership chances. Although the Constitution is still under discussion, and SLORC paints it as being a major step towards democracy, it is obvious that this is far from the truth. The United Nations has indicated their disagreement with the Convention, and any "reward" on Australia's behalf for this so called step would be seen as acknowledging an autocratic governing in the guise of a democratic one. There will be no change to the problems which affect Burma now, because the Constitution does not allow a system of government which would address these. =============================== Soe Soe & Susan Menzies for BSG =============================== 2. BURMA, BENCHMARKS AND FORCED LABOUR -------------------------------------- B.S.G.(Melbourne) would like to address the question of forced labour in Burma, particularly in light of the Foreign Minister, Senator Gareth Evan's doorstop interview announcing a series of "Benchmarks"[6]. Forced labour was referred to in these Benchmarks, and in Senator Evans words, there should be a, "...cessation of the practice of forced labour, at least to the extent that this goes beyond a traditional custon and practice as what's happening now unquestionably does".[7] While B.S.G. welcomes this statement as an important public acknowledgement of one of main forms of Human Rights abuse in Burma and as an official signal of willingness to tackle this issue, there are difficulties inherent in this statement which we would like senator Evans, the Inquiry and D.F.A.T. to be aware of. These problems centre on what is "traditional custom and practice" of forced labour. When we refer to "labour" in this document we are talking about it in the sense of State sanctioned and organised labour both in the Pre-modern and contemporary eras. What evidence do we have about labour in terms of traditional use in Burma? There is detailed scholarship on the social, economic and politiacal fabric of different pre-modern dynasties [8]. B.S.G. would like to draw attention to William Koneig's work on the social/labour relations under the Konbaung society was loosely divided into three sections:[9] 1. Some 35% of the population were organised into the AmhuDan which were Crown Service Units working for the monarchal state structure, and spanning skills from cavalry to privy chamber cooks. In return for their labour they received not cash, but a grant of cultivable land which they could make a livelihood from. They did not pay tax on this land. 2. The next group were the Athi who were a large group of land holders of people with some wealth, trade or roally bestowed social position. In return for being able to pursue their own labour and prosperity, they Paid tax. they were economically independent to the extent that they didn't fall foul of the King or his office holders. 3. The third group made up of bulk of the population and were Kat Pa- cultivators who worked for the Athi. Many were people who had left or escaped royal service and others were debt bondsmen. Debt bondsmen were householders who were unable to pay their taxes and therefore signed themselves to labour for a patron for a fixed perild during which they were exempt from tax payments. Their bond was transferable to their families and descendants. This system was voluntary and not slavery. Slabery was an institution which existedin the form of criminals and their descendants being granted as laboureres to manastries and who had extremenly low status. When a monarch desired to build an irrigation channel or wge a war, the resources of the AmhuDan could be drawn upon. Such labour was not forced in that the serviceman was paid for his efforts by his royal grant of land. However there was a natural drift away from the Royal Service Units as some people sought to avoid the stranuous nature of royal labour by joining the extensive monkhood[10]; of signed themselves up as labourers to smaller Athi patrons whose duties might be less onerous. Thus the monarch might find his manpower reserves depleted, and would attempt (not always successful) to replenish them in two main ways: 1. by engaging in a military compaign where prisoners of a conquered region could be brought back to the royal heartlands for service [11] 2. The monarch could undertake a campaign of religious Rurification to oust many "Unworthy" monks, to deflate the swollen Sangha(Buddhist order), a campaign which had an economic effect of bringing men into the labour pool[12] Labour was not "forced" in the sense that their was a mutual exchange of a man's skills and effort to a patron - Monarch of Athi landlord, and in return he received some form of economic benefit - land or tax exemption. This economic order died with the British invasions and has not existed in Lower Burma for 170 years. It is crucial to understand that these patterns of labour were inextricably linked to pre-modern monarchial Burma and was a complex social, political exonomic system which came t an end between 1824-1853 in lower Burma and 1995 in Upper Burma with the demise of the monarchy. It was replaced with a western capitalist cash economy which has irretrievably removed such client/patron labour relations from the dominant role in the economic life of burmese society. There are two other forms of labour which might fall under the banner of "Tradition and custom": Village community self-help; and Military Forced Labour. 1. Village based, community self help. The village is a primary social unit in which, even today 75% of Burmese chose to live. Such communities have a history of both coherence as interactive group and atradition of cooperation to further the benefit of the group. For example, the village will labour together to build a protective thorn hedge around the village perimeter, as it is in their interests to do so. Similarly at the time of Shinbyu - the male Buddhist baptism, the community traditionally came together and volunteered their services in celebration preparation, to the parents of the boy postulant, in recognition of his most important social and religious transition. Such village based, community self help in non-coercive, locally inspired, does not include the State and is mutually beneficial to the village; it is not "forced". 2. Military forced labour has been extant in Burma for centuries. The monarch would raise levies to attack neighbouring independent regions as a function of personal military prowess but also out of economic necessity. The economic and military strength of a monarch or dynasty was dependent on constantly replenishing manpower reserves, bringing them physically into the centre of royal control away from the more , independent periphery of the Empire[13]/ There was a pattern of military and territorial expansion at the commencement of a new Dynasty or royal region followed by a abatement of military campaigning and a resultant slow loss of manpower, economic, and military strength; and th e political decline of the dynasty. Who were the people who were brought by the Kings armies back to the royal capital? The answer is conquered and/or captured people from the lands invaded by the Burman monarchs armies. Complicating this process for these people was the fact that military campaigns could either be well planned, provisioned and executed, or poorly so. Therefore, an armies brutality could be contingent on how much they were suffering themselves in terms of lack of food, disease etc. All armies used forced labour and it was natural that in the days before mechanisation that they used the conquered people to carry supplies and booty. Britysh records of interview survive, aabout the experience of the inhabitants of the independent kingdom of Cachar which lies between India and Burma and was invaded by the Burmese in 1823: "I am a native of the village of Urdabund in the country of Cachar. I have been a prisoner of war in Ava. I was seized at my native village about twenty months ago by a party of Burmese soldiers. About 6000 persons including men women and childern were seized at the same67 time. We were treated with great rigour; we were chained two by two, got very little food and were made to carry heavy loads. Women with infants at their breast and who on this account could not carry loads, had the infants snatched form them, their heads chopped off before their mothers eyes and their bodies thrown in rivers. Old and sick people who could not carry their burdens were killed by the Burman soldiers and thier goods which consisted of plunder, divided amongst the other prisoners for them to carry."[14] Many of the people in this Inquiry would be aware of the contemporary accounts of those who escaped Forced Porterage and Forced Labour in SLORC overseen projects such as the Ye-Tavoy Railroad. Their accounts which are extensively available do not differ from this 170 years old account. This suggests that abouse of human rights and Forced Labour were characteristic practice of Burmese armies then and now. Furthermore, their are other similarities between this army practice under the king and wiht modern Tatmadaw (Burmese army). The tatmadaw remains poorly mechanised, and inadequately provisioned and therefore are dependent on their supplies from communities where they are stationed and the physical labour of communities to carry supplies and ammunition. There was nothing voluntary about this labour then or now, it is armed disruption of communities lives, coercion to work based on fear; and disregard for human rights based on a monopoly of armed strength. The modern military in Burma controls the State and it consumes up to 35% of the national budget. Under it, the economy has failed and nearly collapsed over the past three decades, with the consequence that state funded projects simply don not have the cash reserves available to pay for employed labour and mechanical assistance. The State choses to rely on Forced Labour and uses the justification of "Tradition" and "Customary" service to the State. However as we have seen labour had a very different social form in pre-colonial burma and ended with the passing of the monarchial order. In fact the courrent practice of military forced labour is very similar to that employed by the Japnease/Burmese wartime state which compulsoriy requisitioned 30,000 people to work on the Burma Siam railroad with Australian P.O.W.s. The same justification of labouring ofr the benefit of the State and in the national interest were made by the Japnease overlords to their powerless Burmese governemnt allies [15]. The continuity in terms of "tradition' and "custom" with the current Military dominated State, the Japnease State and the MOnarchial order in the Armies use the fored labour and disrespect for human suffering in pursuit of thier ends. Recommendiations: 1. B.S.G. recommends that the Australian governemnt be extremely wary of SLORC claims of Labour given on a voluntary basis, based on a "traditional" of "customary" practice. Such State overseen volunteer labour ended with the pre-colonial social and economic order. Today's Burma is not the Burma of one hunderd or two hundred years ago, it is modern nation state with run by a military governemnt with a cash economy; rather than a socia-religious monarchy with a feudal economy. 2. B.S.G. argues that the modern Burmese State has used Forced Labour for its own ends since the milisary came to power in 1962. It is Military culture in Burma which has a historical continuity of using Forced Labour and resulting in the abuse of human rights. The blurring of the State with the military culture under the Nw Win regime and SLORC means that State projects which use "volunteer" labour will entil people being subject to coercion, and ongoing Human Rights abuse. 3. B.S.G. recommends that the Australian government acknowledge these facts in regards to the development of Senator Gareth Evan's Benchmark goals ofr SLORC. In regards to Forced Labour, the Benchmark could be improved by stating:"THERE SHOULD BE AN IMMEDIATE CESSATION OF FORCED LABOUR OF ALL FORMS." 4. The Australian governemnt will need to be extremely active and vigilant in terms of asserting the need to end Forced Labour in Burma. It is part and parcel of the Military Culture there. At present, the State and Military are one in Burma and the Australian government should not lend credence to SLORC claims that "Traditional" or "Customary" labour are somehow sacrosact cultural practice which cannot be calle dfor what it is: HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSE BY THE MILITARY STATE. To conceded on the point will entil: 1. Allowing the SLORC to dominate the debate as well as the use of the Labour(which is the lives of the general population) it controls; 2. Perpetuate the suffering of the Burmese people by excusing or failing to acknowledge the origin of their suffering. ==================== Marc Purcell for BSG ==================== Footnotes: ========== [1] The infromation that is given in this document can be found in the National Council of Union of Burma(Delagation to UN) and an interview with the National Coalition Governement of the Union of Burma Information Minister, Maung Maung Aye. This was conducted on October 30 1994. [2] It selected 603 out of 702 people to participate in this and only 99 people who won the May 1990 elections were able to attend to the convention. [3] For example, ther were eight groups of people invited, the titles of these groups being vague, ostensibly giving a variety of voices to this process, but in actual fact being utterlydeceptive. It is difficult to conceive who the "Delegates from workers" are, as there are no worker unions in Burma, so where do these people come from? Who are the 81 "Delegates who should be invited"? The question could continue. [4] Participants were only to read from printed copy, which had been first edited by the Chairperson (Major General Myo Nyunt from the SLORC ) and then by the National Convention Convening Works Committee (composed of SLORC members). No deviation from the agenda, or printed copy was allowed. Infact, Dr Aung Kin Sint, who was an National League for Democracy elected representative was arrrested for being "engaged in unscrupulous activities withe the intent to undermine the national convention"(Mew sLIght of Myanmar.) [5] In fact, in Order No 13/92, the sixth of the objectives of the National Convention Order wa s that the national political leadership role of the State must be from the military. [6] Transcript of interview with Trevor Watson, ABC radio, Bangkok, 26 July 1994. [7] Ibid. [8] a. Michael Aung-Thwin, Pagan: The Orgins of Modern Burma, Honalulu. 1985. b. Villiam KOneig, The Burmese Polity, 1752-1819. MIchigan, 1990. c. Victor B Lieberman, Burmese Administrative Cycle, Princeton, New York, 1984. [9] Opcit, Chapter Four. pp.99-164. [10] Aung Thwin, M."The role of Sansana Reform in burmese History: Economic demension of a religious Purification" Journal of Asian Studies, XXXVIII. 4th august 1979.pp 671-88. [11] Lieberman. opcit. p.11. [12] Aung Thwin, "Sansana reform", opcit. [13] Lieberman, op cit, pp.38-41. [14] G.E. Harvey, A History of Burma, London, 1967.p313. [15] J.F.Cady, A History of Modern Burma, London, 1960, p.452. (Part 1 of 4) ENDS\ Conf: (i)ndex (u)nread (w)rite (c)apture (v)isit (g)o e(x)it (q)uit (?) Conf? Topic 67 BURMA HUMAN RIGHTS REPORTS # 15: Pa uneoo soc.culture.burma 9:52 PM Apr 28, 1995 (at physics.adelaide.edu.au) (From News system) Summary: A report on situation of human rights in Burma. /* posted Apr 29 14:10:32 CST 1995 by uneoo@physics.adelaide.edu.au on igc:soc.culture.burma */ /* ----------" HRSUB: Burma Support Group(Melbourne) "---------- */ [Subject: To inquire into and report on the human rights situation and lack of progress towards democracy in Myanmar(Burma) by the Human Rights Sub-Committee of the parliament of Australia. Submissions made to this enquiry by various people and organisations are re-posted here. Following section is redistributed to PeaceNet/Internet by permission from Burma Support Group, Melbourne, Victoria, 5/33 woolton Avenue, Thornbury 3071, Vic. -- U Ne Oo] # SUBMISSION NO. 15 BURMA SUPPORT GORUP (MELBOURNE) ------------------------------- (Part 2 of 4.) 3. SLORC AND DRUGS ------------------ When Senator Gareth Evans listed a set of benchmarks for the SLORC administration to comply with, he failed to address the issue of drug production in Burma. Given that up to 90% of heroin in Australia originates in Burma, this should be the foremost benchmark objective for Australia and regional policy towards Burma. It is well known that the Burmses government has performed burning of opium fields in `anti-narcotic operations', however there is also much evidence to suggest that there is unsystematic but pervasive cooperation between individual military officers and SLORC officials with various drug producers. While the Kachin Independence Orgainsation(KIO) has dramatically decreased opium production in Kachin State since 1991, after the cease fires with some ethnic groups were signed, the areas under Slorc control have seen anoticeable increase in opium production. This has led to the widespread belief that "the Burmese regime is heavily involved in Burma's notorious narcotics trade"[16] It is further believed that: "If this is the case, SLORC's actions in destroying heroin will help it gain international credibility and more importantly foreign aid and funding for activities such as its so-called development projects..."[17] The Wa people, in northern Burma, despite having made various attempts in recent years to introduce crop replacement initiatives in an effort to reduce the opium yield annually, have met with little success. This is largely due to the fact that the development projects promised by the Burmese governemnt have yet to materialise and perhaps most importantly the Wa's requests for technicians to survey their land for natural resources have been ignored illustrating that there have been no real attempts by the SLORC to discourage drug productions in the WA state.[18] It should be recognised that a corollary of SLORC -initiated cease-fires with some ethnic groups will not entil an end to the war time drug economy. In fact the reverse has occurred as is obvious from the overall increase in opium production in Burma. According to the available statistics, this has seen as increase from 800 tons in 1983 to 2600 in 1993.[19] Further, in NOvember 1993, Burma failed to attend a seminor that was aimed at boosting regional cooperation in the fight against the drug trade in South ease Asia. Burma's conspicuous absence was explained by one Asian diplomat by the fact that "they [Burma] are really embarrassed". Reports by the Drug Geo-political Observatory ( a research organisation founded by the European Community) "tend to prove the existence of heroin laboratories in zones under the direct control of the Burmese army"[20] Teh effects of drug addition on the people of Burma, particularly the youth, goes largely unchecked. In the period from 1980-1988 under the BSPP, the military intelligence was well aware of the distribution points for heroin and drug users but failed to take any action. Despite the promise of the SLORC in 1988 to eradicate the growing use of heroin, by 1991 heroin was the most cheap and accessible drug available in Burma. In 1991 a penicillin bottle full of heroin cost only 600 kyat(US $6)[21]. Additionally, according to Burmese students in Bangkok: "after the reopening of the universities in May 1991, there were two ministores on Rangoon university campus with permanenet licences to sell heroin"[22] It has further been claimed that Ne Win's governemnt had a plan to corrupt the youth with heroin becouse many young people had made their dispapproval of the government all too apparent. With the governemnt expressing such a blatant disregard for the welfare of the people, it is not surprising that the lack of education about AIDS not only for the high risk groups such as Intravenous drug users and prositutiutes, but also for the general public is far from adequate. According to Burma's health minister, Colonel Pe Thein, more than 5000 people tested positive for HIV in 1992 and of this number, 74.3% were intravenous drug users, 9% were prostitutes and 6.9% were venereal desease patients[23]. An AIDS specialist from the Harvard School of Public Health, Daniel Tarantola, puts the figures of those infested nuch higher estimating that there are already 300 000-400 000 people infected with HIV in Burma. AT least 1-2% of all preganant women in the border areas are currently infected with HIV. Two AIDS patients recently interviewed at Kwai River Christian Hospital in Sangkhalaburi District in Thailand, explained that they had never heard of AIDS before and knwe nothing about the disease or the way it was spread. With such a lack of information about AIDS, and with an increasing number of drug addictions occurring and the number of Burmese women involved in prostitution (either by force or volluntary) also constantly increasing, the drug problem in Burma must be addressed by the Australian government. Recommendations --------------- 1. B.S.G. (Melbourne) recommends that as up to 90% of the heroin in Astralia orginates in Burma, the issue of drug production in Burma should be the foremost benchmark objective for Australian and regional policy towards Burma. 2. B.S.G. (Melbourne) recommends that the Australian governemtn be extremenly wary of SLORC claims about its anti-narcotic programs. The burning of opium crops by SLORC officials is used as a strategy by the SLORC to attract positive media attention and should not be accepted as any real indication of progress in drug eradication by the SLORC. There is an overwhelming amount of evidence to suggest that the SLORC is actively involved in drug production in Burma and B.S.G (Melbourne) strongly reinforces that this evidence should not be overshadowed by the SLORC's attempt to appear that they are genuinely aiming eradicate opium crops in Burma. 3. B.S.G.(Melbourne ) recommends that focusing on one drug baron such as Khun Sa is an ineffective way of addressing the widespread drug problem in Burma particularly with the pervasive involvement of the Burmese government that is a major contributor to the problem. ====================================== Teresa O'Shannassy and Mya Aye for BSG ====================================== 4. REFUGEES ----------- BSG Melbourne would like to comment on the situation of Burmese refugees, and the continuing human rights abouses occurring in Burma. The Universal declaration of human rights states that no one should be subject to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Under the SLORC regime, human rights are being blatently abused. Today thousands of refugees continue to flee to India, Thailand and China as a result of human rights abuses, forced labour and portering, taxation, arbitrary detnention, forced relocation of villages, religious persecution, and so called "development projects". Estimetes of Burmese refugees on the Thai border are around 400,000 and as illegal immigrants in Thailand, around 500 000. IN Bangladesh the figure is around 200 000 and in China, around 180 000 Kachin refugees are scattered in seferal camps. In India there are currently 20 000 refugees. This not to mention some 22-500 000 internally displaced people. The "ten benchmarks" do not tackle the enormous problems of refugees, which is a urgent human rights issue, as well as cousing serious regional instability. Calling for an end to forced labour and for ceasefire will not help the vast numbers of people already displaced and in limbo, many living under the constant therat of repatriation. Australia needs to acknowledge the urgent need to tackle the refugee situation, and recognise that refugees are the direct consequence of the SLORC regime. The SLORC uses the signing of cease fires as proof of greater stability. But despite the fact that a ceasefire with the Kachin ahs been in operation for two years, there are still thousanes of Kachin regugees. After the Pa-O ceasefire in 1991, the number of Pa-O displaced people and refugees tripled. A ceasefire does not necessarily mean life will improve for villagers in any way as people are still living under SLORC control and repression. IN some situations a decrease in fighting may actually lead to an increase in human rights abuses. There can be no real peace in Burma until SLORC is willing to engage in talks with all relevant groups including those in exile and political prisoners. The SLORC governemnt has claimed recently that it is "concentrating on breaking the vicious cycle of poverty and environmental degradation"[24] by implementing development projects, and improving infrasture- building roads, schools, bridges, resvervious and railways. The reality is that civilians, soldiers, and prisoners are occuring on a massive scale. Villagers rounded up for wouk are unpaid, have to construct their own shelters, and provide their own food. People are badly treated and there is no medical treatment for the sick or injured. IN Phaungdaw village, local people have been forced to relocate, and the contribute labour towards the laying of a new pipeling. Farms and gardens have been destroyed without compensation. There are currently 15 000 local civilians, regardless of age or sex, being forced to work on the construction of the Ye-Tavoy railway in the Tenassserim Division. The railway is reported to be part of SLORC stratiegic planning for rapid troops deployment in the area and to meke movements of revolutionary forces from the hills to the seas mote difficult. The "development" project is causing new outflows of Mon, Karen, Tavoyan and Burman villages across the Thai border. We, Burma Support Group is especially concerned about the oppresssion of women. Women in Burma are threatened by relocations, forced labour, rape, and other violence. Prostitution, trafficking of women and girls into prstitution. Women are responsible for the home and the wellbeing of the family."Being uprooted robs women of their control over their lives, the power to make decisions and the self reliance gained through skills and knowledge that frequently loose thier value in refgugee camps or other temporary setteings"[25] Women are also forced by the military to become porters. "Women are more versitile in their usefulness: forced labour to work as porters: human shields for the fighting army: propety that can be redeemed for a good sum of money; and entertainment for soldiers which ends in rape repeatedly"[26] Economic deprivation has led many families to unknowingly sell their daughters into sex slavery in Thai Brothels. There are currently over 20 000 Burmese women and girls working in Thai brothels. Girls are forced to work under inhumane conditions, and live in small cubicles, often concrete rooms, working for eight to ten hours a day. Health care and birth control is minimal, and exposure to HIV Aids infection is common. Most Burmese prostitutes have little or no information about AIDS or its consequences. There are currently 300-400 000 people in Burma already infected with the AIDS virus, and the disease is repidly spreading. RECOMMENDATIONS --------------- Australia should call for the immediate and unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners, the cessation of political repression and violation of human rights against ethnic minorities. "Legal rights for minorities" will amount to little if negotiated in SLORCs terms and in fact may seek to keep minority groups divided from one another. The only path towards real security is the release of Aung Sah suu Kyi and real democratic reforms. Australia should recongnise Womens Human Rights in its benchmarks, and the importance of womens full and equal participation in the decision making process. Australia should also acknolwege the of trafficking of women and girls as an urgent issue of international concern. Australian should recognise that "ceasefires" will not lead to any real change in Burma and should call for the initiation of talks between SLORC and all relevant groups, including political prisoners and those in exile. Australia should increase the numbers of displaced Burmese accepted, and these should be recognised as Refugees, rather than as "persons of concern". Australia should call for UNHCR recognition of ethnic and Burmese refugees. ================================== Myint Myint San & Lia Kent for BSG ================================== Footnotes: ========== [16] Broken Promises, The Nation, June 1 1994, p. C1-2 [17] ibid. p.C-1-2 [18] ibic, p.C.1. [19] John Badgeley. Myanmar in 1993: A Watershed Year. Asian Survey, vil 34. no.2 FEbruary 1994. [20] Burma Absent from Anti-Drug meeting, The Irrawaddy, Vol.1. No.6. 30 NOvember 1993, p.3. [21] Drugs -corrupting the youth, One day We Will Learn, The Australian Council of Churches, Sydney, 1992. [22] Ibid. [23] Aids Threats Burma, Committee for Publicity People's Struggle in Monland, Vol 2, no 1, 1994, p 8-9. [24] Myanmar, by U OHn Gyaw, Minister for foreign affairs and Chairman of the delegation of the union of Myanmar. New York, 11 October 1994. [25] What about the Women of Burma? by Janis E. NIckel, for Burma Issues, August 1993. [26] What about the Women of Burma? (Part 2 of 4) -------------------------------------------------------------- INFORMATION ABOUT BURMA VIA THE WEB: Information about Burma is available via the WorldWideWeb at: FreeBurmaWWW http://199.172.178.200/freebrma/freebrma.htm. 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