----------------------------------BurmaNet---------------------------- "Appropriate Information Technologies, Practical Strategies" --------------------------------------------------------------------------- The BurmaNet News: November 12, 1996 Issue #568 HEADLINES: ========== BKK POST: BAD DECISION BY KL LEADERSHIP BKK POST: POSSIBILITY OF US SANCTIONS REUTERS: FRANCE'S TOTAL DEFIES PRESSURE TO LEAVE BURMA THAILAND TIMES: ROWING AGAINST THE TIDE BKK POST: SHIFTING TIES: CHINA, INDIA AND BURMA CFOB: BOOK RELEASE - DIRTY CLOTHES-DIRTY SYSTEM ANNOUNCEMENT: BOOKS ON BURMA AVAILABLE ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- --------------------- BKK POST: EDITORIAL - BAD DECISION BY KL LEADERSHIP November 12, 1996 The Malaysian government lost its calculated bet to ban a meeting on East Timor. By appearing to sanction mob action against the thugs who attacked the seminar, Malaysia risk even more. In the public's mind, it may be linked with the oppressive Burmese regime, where an ugly mob also attacked democracy advocates. Editorial The leaders of two countries made bad decisions last weekend. They stood by while thugs attacked peaceful political opponents. Then they blamed the victims of the attacks. For Burma, it was the sort of decision one has come to expect of the regime. For Malaysia, it was a shocking decision. Because of the similarity of the attacks and because of the timing, the two cases may become linked in the public's mind. In Burma, a mob attacked the caravan of democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Armed with sticks and other weapons, they smashed windscreens and windows, and battered the vehicles. For a moment, there was real fear the thugs would do worse, and directly assault the people in the cars. As police and soldiers stood by nonchalantly, a security man in one of the cars jumped out and showed his gun. Only then did the thugs pull back. There were a couple of minor injures caused by the shattering glass. In Malaysia, a mob broke into a Kuala Lumpur hotel where political activists were discussing East Timor. They broke down doors and walls, storming the meeting room. The hooligans did not attack anyone directly, but merely intimidated them. They screamed and shouted and generally showed their uncivilized upbringing, but stopped before directly hurting anyone. After a long interval, police arrived - and arrested the activists at the meeting. Their crime apparently was holding a peaceful meeting at a private hotel. The government had banned the East Timor meeting on the grounds that Indonesians might take some offence. Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad said the meeting's organizers were to blame for being attacked, Assaulted and intimidated. He refused to condemn either the roughnecks who arranged the mob or the hooligans who joined it. This is the most troubling part of the invasion of the meeting, because it was led by members of the youth wings of Premier Mahathir's own United Malay National Organisation - in other words, tomorrow's leaders of Malaysia. Malaysia has the right to ban meetings of course. National security may be difficult to define exactly, but all governments are obliged to protect it. All nations also have the right to screen foreigners and to deport those acting outside the national interest. There should be no complaints on either of these two matters. But Malaysia, unlike Burma, is a nation of laws. It had both the means and manpower to deal with the East Timor meeting under those laws. It could have asked the hotel to cancel it. Police could have been called to deal with the matter. There still would have been criticism, but a firm government backed by an established rule of law which is clear and fair need not fear this. Unfortunately, Malaysia has brought unneeded and perhaps even mean-spirited attention to itself by the attack on the meeting. This is unfortunate. Malaysia's government is far more sophisticated, diverse and astute than of Burma. Kuala Lumpur's failure to better balance the two extreme options - allowing the East Timor meeting or banning it - is difficult to understand. The worst case has been realized. The intimidation of the thugs who break up the meeting has received worldwide and front-page attention. The ruling UMNO and the men groomed for future leadership of Malaysia are directly implicated in the violence. And the prime minister is reported as generally approving of mob actions against those who displease him. This is a heavy price for Malaysia to pay. (Asimilar article was published - TIMES OF INDIA: BURMA AND MALAYSIA INSTIGATE VIOLENCE) **************************************************************** BKK POST: POSSIBILITY OF US SANCTIONS November 12, 1996 (abridged) Rangoon, AFP Burma faced a new round of international condemnation and warnings of possible US sanctions yesterday following weekend attacks on the motorcade of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. US senator John McCain, arriving in Phnom Penh from Rangoon, said attacks in which Mrs Suu Kyi's motorcade was pelted with rocks on Saturday by a mob she accused of being made up of government agents was " unacceptable." The senator also said he would consider backing sanctions pending the results of a Burmese government investigation into the attacks. Mr McCain's comments followed meetings in Rangoon with Mrs Suu Kyi, Foreign Minister Ohn Gyaw and Burma's powerful intelligence chief, Khin Nyunt, who told the US senator that the disturbances would be investigated. Introducing sanctions "depends on the results of their investigation and what they try to do to prevent things like this from happening again", the senator said in Phnom Penh. "My impression is that (Mrs Suu Kyi) was obviously not receiving the security she needed," he said, adding that the attacks "were unacceptable and obviously the circumstances surrounding them are inappropriate." Mr McCain played a role in recent negotiations which led to amendments softening tough economic sanctions against Burma by the US Congress. The weekend attacks came amid growing international pressure over recent crackdown on the opposition by the military, which seized power in 1988. A strongly worded statement from the US embassy here called on the Burmese authorities to "punish those responsible for this attack [and] to take every possible means to ensure the safety of Aung San Suu Kyi." Fueling the growing international storm, Mrs. Suu Kyi has also issued a videotaped appeal to the European Union calling for economic sanctions against Burma. The tape is to be screened yesterday before the European parliament. ***************************************************************** REUTERS: FRANCE'S TOTAL DEFIES PRESSURE TO LEAVE BURMA November 12, 1996 By Rajan Moses RANGOON, Nov 12 (Reuter) - France's Total SA intends to remain in Burma and complete its $1 billion gas pipeline project despite pressure from Western powers and rights groups not to invest in the country, company officials said on Tuesday. Several major European and U.S. corporations, reacting to the pressure, have dropped plans to invest in or withdrawn from Burma, where the military government has refused to allow democracy and is battling opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. 'Ours is a long-term project and our flexibility is not as great as it is for those making tee-shirts or beer,' Total's public affairs vice-president Joseph Daniel told reporters. 'We will respect international law. Of course if a United Nations or European Union decision was made (on not dealing with Burma) then we would respect it,' he said. Some of the larger multi-national companies that have pulled out of Burma following pressure by human rights groups include brewers Heineken NV and Carlsberg, soft drink giant PepsiCo Inc and apparel firms Oshkosh B'gosh, Liz Clairborne and Eddie Boauer. The European Union last month slapped restrictions on official contacts with Burma over what the 15-nation bloc see as Rangoon's failure to respect human rights. Existing restrictions include an arms embargo and suspension of aid. The EU has not ruled out economic sanctions but some members have been reluctant to take stringent steps without similar steps from Washington and the United Nations. Washington recently barred entry visas to government officials. Daniel and the head of Total Myanmar Exploration and Production, Herve Madeo, also denied the firm was using forced labor in its controversial project to pump gas overland to Thailand from the giant Yadana field from mid-1988. Total's project in Burma has been dogged by controversy ever since it was signed with the national oil company Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE) in 1992. Human rights groups have accused Total of collaborating with the ruling State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) to suppress freedom in Burma. They say it is using forced labour recruited by the military in the southern Tenasserim project area and damaging the environment in forests there. Suu Kyi has also labeled Total as a strong supporter of the SLORC which has denied her the right to hold public gatherings and detained and later released hundreds of her supporters. Total officials, denying accusations that forced labor recruited by Burmese troops was used in the Yadana project in the Andaman Sea, said the military was around the area as any national army in any country would patrol its remote areas. 'We have received 1,864 voluntary applications from people in the area waiting to work for us on the project. The applications were made inside the base camp in Kanbauk where the military has no control,' Madeo said. He also said Total had not allowed the military to use its facilities or helicopters in the area to take action against rebel groups as charged by some rights groups. Daniel said: 'We are considered as a political actor but we are not. After decades of isolation, we are trying to give this country development. We don't imagine how sanctions will help.' He also noted that Total had in the past worked in some countries where power shifted from regime to regime and the company was still able to work with any new government. Total holds a 31.24 percent share in the project to produce gas for a total of 30 years and pipe it through a 409 km (250 mile) offshore and onshore pipeline to contracted buyer Thailand. Other partners in the project are UNOCAL Corp. with 28.26 percent, the Petroleum Authority of Thailand's PTTEP with 25.5 percent and MOGE with 15 percent. Revenue from the project from mid-1998 would amount to about $400 million annually of which 50 percent would go to the Burmese government, Total officials said. ***************************************************************** THAILAND TIMES: ROWING AGAINST THE TIDE November 12, 1996 IT is ironic that a country which has the greatest potential to become a wealthy nation should be reduced to a state where the populace has to brave a life of destitution in comparison to their neighboring nations. This is a fact of life today in Myanmar. A once wealthy and developed nation when known as Burma and compared to poorer neighbors, it is now classified as a poor and under-developed country by any criterion. It will be remembered that Burma was ruled as an Indian province of British India. It was a nation which was known for its canning industry, knowledge of forestry and other industries which helped furnish the then modern bureaucracy. Burma, or Myanmar today, is still a country rich in mineral resources, marine products and forests which produce good timber, most especially teak. Of more importance still were the number of educated Burmese who benefited from the British educational legacy. Indeed, many of this group of educated Burmese found their way into international organizations, the most noted example being the late Secretary General of the UN, U Thant. Today, a few Burmese nationals still work in international organization. Some of these educated Myanmarians have taken up teaching in such places as Assumption University or Assumption Commercial College in Bangkok. Endowed with rich natural and human resources, Myanmar should be able to move forward and catch up with other nations in ASEAN. But, unfortunately political factors play a decisive role here. Admittedly, Slorc has wrought havoc for the economy and served to obstruct democratic development. This sad state of affairs has worked to retard the process of development in the area. Today, whether one likes to admit it or not, the once wealthy and developed Myanmar lags behind it neighbors in economic, social and infrastructure development and most notably in its democratic development which will have far-reaching implications for the nation in the long run. The question is why on earth the military has kept such as iron grip on the country despite the fact that this is against world trends? The answer probably boils down to the old Chinese metaphor about riding a tiger. The one on the beast's back simply cannot get off for fear of being eaten and hence has to continue riding the tiger and wait for the unforeseen future. Meanwhile, there is a great deal of wishful thinking and self-condition. To be sure, one cannot deny the fact that the preservation of self-interest is also a key factor. The military wants to cling tightly to power because that is the source of their wealthy, status and power. It is self-interest which traps them in their present situation. On the other side of the coin, given the poor political infrastructure characterized by the absence of political institutions which could serve to render support for democratic development, it is doubtful that even if the military let go of control, the nation would spring to life with a functioning democracy. The realistic approach would be a step by step process which would cater to the demands of all the parties concerned, the military included. This is most crucial if the transferring of power is to proceed peacefully. But no has come up with a suggestion which will allow for a prudent course of political change. The pressure exerted on Slorc thus tends to produce a negative impact rather than a positive one. What is needed in not just good intentions but also a sound and sane plan for the resolution of the present impasse. Most important of all, amidst international political pressure and economic sanctions, Slorc has to be given an alternative other than being forced to row against the tide by default of a realistic and compromising choice. International pressure not well thought out has unwittingly become instrumental in aggravating the situation. ***************************************************************** BKK POST: SHIFTING TIES: CHINA, INDIA AND BURMA November 10, 1996 Dipankar Banerjee Strategic considerations dictate relations amongst the three countries Reproduced from TRENDS: A monthly publication of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (Iseas) in Singapore Land border of 1,643 km along the low Patkai hills separate India and Burma. many of the original settlers of India's northeast came from areas across these ranges at various times in history. A land route from China through northern Burma formed the famous southern Silk Route as early as the pre-Christian era. Today, ethnically similar peoples straddle the drive and provide India a strong cultural bond with Burma and Southeast Asia. India's ties with Burma in the modern period lay in the common British rule since the mid-19th century. Burma became a separate dominion only in 1937. Another common condition has linked the countries since independence, that is through the indigenous insurgency movements. All guerrilla groups in northeast India have used Burma at various times and for a number of reasons such as a sources of weapons, training as a sanctuary, for obtaining ideological guidance and material support. Delhi was the first to accord diplomatic recognition to Burma on its independence. A loan owned by the later was waived. A shipment of tanks, artillery and mortars from India helped the government forces save Rangoon from the rebels who had reached its doors. Goodwill and cooperation dominated the period until General Ne Win's return to power for the second time in 1962. His Burmese Road to Socialism" and deliberate isolation from the world utterly impoverished the country and estranged it from India. After the students movement in September 1988, a new period began with the coming to power of another set of generals under the State Law and Order Restoration Council (Slorc). Burma has an even ;longer and more porous border of 2,171 km with China. Mutual relations in the early years were hampered by the presence of the KMT forces in northern Burma after the Second World War. However, a border a agreement was signed on January 28, 1960. But support for the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) remained central to China's policy in the 1960s and 1970s. Beijing appreciated it as an area from where it could influence a wider region. Throughout this period, the CPB received more support than any other insurgent group in Southeast Asia. After Deng Xiaoping's visit to Rangoon in January 1978, a major shift took place in mutual relations. Support for the CPB ended. But it took another decade and the Tiananmen incident of June 1989 to bring the two countries closer to each other. A US$1.4 billion arms deal was soon signed. It enabled the Tatmadaw (the Burma military) to increase its strength by 50,000 to around 320,000 soldiers today. Major equipment supplied by China included: - Up to three squadrons of F-7 fighter aircraft; - 24xA-5M ground attack fighters; - Transport aircraft and helicopters; - 145x Type 69 Mk II main battle tanks; - 05 Type 63 light amphibious tanks; - 250 Type 85 armoured personnel carriers; - 100x 122 mm howitzers; - 30 multiple rocket launchers; - 24 Type 74 37 mm twin-barreled towed anti-aircraft guns; and - Ten Hainan-class fast attack patrol boats. The military-to-military relationship is substantial and deeply entrenched, but it should also be seen in perspective. The arms sales were more an instrument of influence to develop dependency than of significance as a military threat to neighbors. It led to a much-needed replenishment of the Tatmadaw. In turn it allowed the latter to deal with numerous insurgencies that prevailed in the country. Today, Burma has stable internal environment with all insurgencies having been contained, if not solved. At the same time, the Tatmadaw is disillusioned with both the vintage as well as the quality of Chinese equipment. They are also getting increasingly uneasy of their dependency on China. The Burmese are a proud people who are loath to accept any form of foreign domination or interference. Further, major arms deals are probably unlikely in the future: an important reason would be Burma's desire for an early entry into ASEAN. No country there would appreciate a continuation of this relationship with China. Of more concern are the persistent reports of a Chinese naval presence in the Bay of Bengal. Additional ports are under development at Hanggyi, Sittwe and Mergui islands. Whether it is for civil use or for coastal protection or for the navy, is not clear. Burma has consistently denied providing base facilities and maintains that no foreign troops will ever be based on its soil. While it may not be appropriate to "cry wolf" too often, the possibilities of a Chinese presence even in the long term cannot be viewed with equanimity. This provides a backdrop to India's own strategic relations with Burma. New Delhi's backing of Aung San Suu Kyi and the democracy movement froze its relations with Slorc. The latter accused India of harboring pro-democracy forces and supporting the Kachin, Karen and Chin insurgent groups. India too, considered that various Naga rebel organizations were now being provided assistance, training and safe passage. Burma established a new North West Regional Command at Sagaing Division opposite India's Nagaland. Troops released from insurgency in northern Burma were sent there. Current reports suggest that up to 32 infantry battalions may be deployed opposite's visit to Rangoon in March 1993 succeeded in normalising relations considerably. Former Army Chief General Joshi visited in May 1994. Discussions were held to coordinate activities against insurgent groups along the border. Burmese leaders appeared to share the Indian vision of transforming the region into a zone of friendship, tranquillity and cooperation. Agreement was reached to allow Indian construction of roads from the west to the central sector. Border meetings have been intensified. Lower level meetings take place monthly and a large biannual conference takes place at sector commanders' level. Some coordination is also effected in military operations along the border. A small but significant number of Burmese military personnel are provided training at Indian institutions. There is some talk of reopening the Silk Route. A few strategic issues will have to be addressed before that. There is the whole question of India - China relations. If it improves substantially and the border is stabilized, it throws open many possibilities for fruitful cooperation. First, this would need substantial trilateral, confidence-building measures including Burma. Second, the ethnic insurgencies will need to be eliminated or contained even more than what they are at present. Third, better border management has to be effected by all states to prevent the entry of undesirable elements and the transit of drugs. Last, but not least, is developing the necessary infrastructure through international funding. Burma is opening up to Asia and perhaps the world. Slorc provides a stable, if not a democratic, regime to the country and will be there for some time to come. There are enormous possibilities in this environment. India stands ready to engage Burma in a positive and cooperative way to strengthen mutual resilience and regional stability. Major-General Dipankar Banerjee (Retd) is the deputy director of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. ***************************************************************** CFOB: BOOK RELEASE - DIRTY CLOTHES-DIRTY SYSTEM November 14, 1996 from: cfob@web.net How Burma's Military Dictatorship Uses Profits From The Garment Industry To Bankroll Oppression. 72 pages. Available November 14, 1996 - $12.00. Canadian shoppers are buying more and more clothes made in Burma. But by doing so they unwittingly assist that country's brutal military dictatorship, says a report to be released Nov. 14th by Ottawa-based Canadian Friends of Burma. "Dirty Clothes-Dirty System", written by journalist Dave Todd, exposes links between the State Law and Order Restoration Council's military procurement agency and Burma's flourishing garment industry. One-sixth of the country's earnings from garment exports goes directly into weapons purchases by the regime's defence ministry. SLORC maintains an army of 375,000 used only against the Burmese peoples. Canadian imports of Burma-made clothing have tripled in recent years, from $3.3 million in 1993 to an estimated $10 million this year. Decisions by well-known companies (such as Eddie Bauer, Levi-Strauss, Liz Claiborne, London Fog, Oshkosh B'gosh) to stop sourcing in Burma have raised public awareness. Yet investment in the garment export sector continues to grow, mainly because workers are paid rock-bottom wages averaging eight cents an hour for a 60-hour week. "Dirty Clothes-Dirty System" predicts that without swift action there will be even sharper growth in the export of Burma-made garments. The World Trade Organization estimates a 60 per cent increase in the global garment trade in the next 10 years. Most of these clothes will be made by Asian workers. Only consumer awareness, strict industry codes of conduct and government action will improve labor conditions and sever dangerous connections such as the one between garments and guns that helps keep the SLORC in power. CFOB says that only the complete withdrawal of foreign companies from Burma can break the linkage that entangles consumers in SLORC's policies of violence and oppression. "Dirty Clothes: Dirty System" names Canadian importers and major retail chains that carry Burmese-made clothes. It concludes with the words of democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi: "If businessmen do not care that our workers are exposed to exploitation, they should at least be concerned that a dissatisfied labor force will eventually mean social unrest and economic instability". CFOB is a non-profit national NGO working in a non-partisan manner for peace, human rights and democracy in Burma. The report was funded by the Communications, Energy and Paper Workers Union of Canada. It is being launched Thursday Nov. 14 at 11am. Site: Steelworkers Hall, 25 Cecil street, Toronto. For more information, contact: Christine Harmston, coordinator, Canadian Friends of Burma., 145 Spruce St., suite 206, Ottawa, ON K1R 6P1 Canada; (tel) 613-237-8056, (fax) 613-563-0017, email: cfob@web.net ***************************************************************** ANNOUNCEMENT: BOOKS ON BURMA AVAILABLE November 10, 1996 The following books on Burma can be ordered from White Orchid Press in Bangkok. You can contact them at: ORDERS: Fax: (66 2) 930 5646 Tel: (66 2) 930 0149 E-mail: wop@mozart.inet.co.th Ordering info is at the end of this message. A WONDERLAND OF BURMESE LEGENDS Khin Myo Chit Illustrated by Paw Oo Thet 1983. vii, 126 pp., 48 col. pl., 1 map ISBN 974-86220-6-1 $18 This richly illustrated book takes the reader on a journey through the legendary and famous places of Burma, and relates the legends associated with each place, legends which are in the blood and soul of every Burmese - young or old. The author takes us from Rangoon, Pegu and Prome to Sriksetra and up the Irrawaddy to Mandalay and Sagaing, a journey accompanied by the magic watercolours by the late Paw Oo Thet, Burma's best loved contemporary artist. An indispensable companion and guide to contemporary Burmese life and thought. ILLUSIONS OF LIFE: BURMESE MARIONETTES Ma Thanegi 1995,1996. viii, 108 pp., 101 colour plates, 17 b/w drawings. ISBN 974-7315-75-9 hard $29 soft $23 In the 18th and 19th centuries, Burmese marionettes enjoyed a rare and powerful privilege as speakers for both kings and subjects. Never merely for entertainment, puppetry was a high art held in much esteem. Marionettes were means of making people aware of current events; a medium for educating the masses in literature, history and religion; a display of lifestyle and customs. These yoke-thei, 'small dolls', enjoyed greater freedom of speech, dress and movement than live performers. They therefore played a significant role in the development of dance and dramatic arts. The author is a well known Burmese painter, and this lively book is liberally spiced with information about Burma and Burmese ways. It contains a systematic presentation of the Burmese marionette tradition, a tradition in the danger of extinction. THE CAGED ONES Ludu U Hla Translated from Burmese by Sein Tu Illustrated by U Wa Thone First English edition 1986, 1997. viii, 144 pp., one col. pl., 16 b/w drawings. Crown 8vo. ISBN 974-87368-6-5 $12 (remainders) Imprisoned for political reasons in the 1950's (and later), Ludu U Hla--perhaps Burma's most prolific modern author and collector of Burmese folklore and cultural material--penned these sensitive portraits of his teenage fellows-behind-bars. His sympathetic probe of 'criminals' old and new, willing and unwilling, uncovers the social pressures and failings that turn the weak, the young and unfortunate against society, and harden them in a career of crime. This book won a UNESCO prize in 1958. ON THE ROAD TO MANDALAY Portraits of Ordinary People Mya Than Tint Translated by Ohnmar Khin and Sein Kyaw Hlaing Illustrated by U Win Pe 1987-91, First English translation 1996. 284 pp., maps, ill. ISBN 974-89271-9-9 $23 Inspired by Chicago journalist Stud Terkel's accounts of hopes and dreams of ordinary Americans, Rangoon-based writer Mya Than Tint introduces us to thirty-four of Burma's forty million 'ordinary people', the a-nya-ta-ra. As he traveled through Burma on literary lecture tours in the late 1980's, he encountered porters, sailors, fortune-tellers, waitresses, artists and petty criminals 'on the road to Mandalay'. This is Mya Than Tint's first major work to be translated into English. LAND OF JADE A Journey from India through Northern Burma to China Second, updated edition Bertil Lintner Photographs by Hseng Noung Lintner 1990,1996. 390 pp. 39 col.pl., 69 b/w pl., 7 maps. Index. Sm. Foolscap 4to. [8.5" x 6"] ISBN 974-89272-6-1 hard $25 In August 1985, "Mr de Souza from Goa", his considerable body wrapped in a blanket, his jet black hair flowing gently in the breeze, and his eyes hidden by huge, dark, stylish sun glasses, arrived in Nagaland. With his diminutive and highly pregnant travel companion, he had slipped past various Indian checkpoints and intelligence setups, and a fantastic journey into hidden Burma began. The book that resulted from this journey has become a classic on recent Burmese history. Bertil and Hseng Noung Lintner spent one and a half years travelling through northern and eastern Burma from 1985 to 1987. Lintner describes with care and deep insight the struggle by the Kachin and Shan ethnic groups against Burmese army rule, and records the decline and fall of the CPB--the Communist Party of Burma. During their 2,275 kilometre trek, at times in great danger, they wrote the history of a 40-year forgotten war, a history which would otherwise never have been committed to paper in such rich detail. Their daughter Hseng Tai was born in Nagaland in India at the inception of the journey. The 1996 edition is updated, and contains a wealth of hitherto unpublished photographic material as well as detailed maps and plans. BURMA'S REVOLUTION OF THE SPIRIT The Struggle for Democratic Freedom and Dignity Alan Clements and Leslie Kean Foreword by H H the Dalai Lama. Preface by Dr Sein Win. Essay by Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. 1984, 1985, 112 pp., 111 col.pl., 9 b/w pl., 1 map. 29x25 cm (11.5"x9.5") ISBN 974-89218-8-3 $22 Thai translation: ISBN 974-7315-80-7 $ 18 (Also published in Burmese, ISBN 974-7315-81-5 $ 18) A gripping photographic record of Burma and the ruthless crushing of the democratic opposition in 1988, and the subsequent struggle for democratic freedom and the right to live in peace and dignity. The photographic material has been donated by some of the world's leading photographers, and written material has been contributed by a number of well known personalities. HISTORICAL REPRINTS: NOTE ON A TOUR IN BURMA IN MARCH AND APRIL 1892 F.O. Oertel 1893,1995. 120 pp., 39 rare photographs. Sm. Imperial 8vo. ISBN 974-89219-6-4 $20 This almost forgotten report on Burma contains a detailed survey of historical sites, and includes photographs not previously reproduced. A rare work not found in most bibliographies on Burma. ROUGH PENCILING OF A ROUGH TRIP TO RANGOON IN 1846 Colesworthy Grant 1853,1995. 112 pp., including numerous pen drawings. Sm.Imperial 8vo. ISBN 974-89219-7-2 $20 The well known Anglo-Indian artist and draftsman Colesworthy Grant made his first visit to Burma in 1846, and this report with his pencil drawings has long been completely unavailable. Less than a decade later, he accompanied the large Phayre mission to Burma and made numerous illustrations for that mission's report, but the present work is among the first with illustrations of Rangoon when it was still a small trading post. JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE UP THE IRRAWADDY TO MANDALAY AND BHAMO Talboys Wheeler 1871,1995. 120 pp., six colour plates. ISBN 974-89219-9-9 $14 A little known volume containing an official report on a visit up the Irrawaddy river to Mandalay and Bhamo a decade before that last part of Burma was incorporated in the British empire, and its king exiled to India. Illustrated with contemporary water-colours not in the original edition. THE GENTLEMAN IN THE PARLOUR A Record of a Journey from Rangoon to Haiphong W. Somerset Maugham 1930,1995. 280 pp. ISBN 974-89220-0-6 $16 Among the many memorable books on travels in Burma before the Second World War, Somerset Maugham's leisurely progress from London via Colombo, then up the Irrawaddy to Mandalay and onwards through the then peaceful Shan States to Thailand and Cambodia ranks among the most enjoyable. He was not only a sharp-eyed observer of human nature but writes about his encounters with a good deal of emphatic quite uncommon among travel writers of the 1920's. AN OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE CATHOLIC BURMESE MISSION FROM THE YEAR 1720 TO 1857 Paul Ambrose Bigandet 1887, 1995. vii, 152 pp. Crown 8vo. ISBN 974-89219-1-3 $15 THE BURMESE EMPIRE A HUNDRED YEARS AGO Vincenzo Sangermano 1838,1885,1985. vi, 352 pp. Crown 8vo. ISBN 974-89219-2-1 $20 THE SOUL OF A PEOPLE Harold Fielding Hall 1898-1911, 1995. vi, 320 pp. Crown 8vo. ISBN 974-89219-5-6 $18 ORDERING INFO: Add USD 1 per book for shipping by surface mail, registered bookpost. Pre-payment by check or credit cards. Eurochecks must always be in the same currency as that of the issuing bank. For credit card orders by e- mail, please give card number expiry date in a separate e-mail message, never together with card number. ORDERS: Fax: (66 2) 930 5646 Tel: (66 2) 930 0149 E-mail: wop@mozart.inet.co.th ************************************************************ BURMANET SUBJECT-MATTER RESOURCE LIST BurmaNet regularly receives enquiries on a number of different topics related to Burma. If you have questions on any of the following subjects, please direct email to the following volunteer coordinators, who will either answer your question or try to put you in contact with someone who can: Campus activism: zni@students.wisc.edu Boycott campaigns: [Pepsi] ai268@freenet.carleton.ca Buddhism: Buddhist Relief Mission: brelief@gol.com Chin history/culture: [volunteer temporarily away] Fonts: tom@cs.colgate.edu High School Activism: [volunteer needed] History of Burma: zni@students.wisc.edu International Affairs: Julien Moe: moe@interport.net Kachin history/culture: 74750.1267@compuserve.com Karen history/culture: Karen Historical Society: 102113.2571@Compuserve.com Mon history/culture: [volunteer needed] Naga history/culture: Wungram Shishak: z954001@oats.farm.niu.edu Burma-India border Aung San Myint: aungsan@giasd101.vsnl.net.in Pali literature: "Palmleaf": c/o burmanet@igc.apc.org Pipeline Campaign freeburma@irn.org Resettlement info: refugee_help@mail.serve.com Rohingya culture volunteer needed Shan history/culture: Sao Hpa Han: burma@ix.netcom.com Shareholder activism: simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net Total - France Dawn Star: cd@utopia.EUnet.fr Tourism campaigns: bagp@gn.apc.org "Attn. S.Sutcliffe" volunteering: refugee_help@mail.serve.com World Wide Web: FreeBurma@POBox.com Geographical Contacts: Massachusetts simon_billenness@mail.cybercom.net [Feel free to suggest more areas of coverage] --------------------------------------------------------------------------- FREE BURMA WEB PAGES: http://FreeBurma.org This single page serves only as an easy to remember URL and departure point to resources promoting the establishment of democracy in Burma. Please write to FreeBurma@pobox.com to add a site or for further information." - Glen, system administrator FREE BURMA COALITION: to get involved in the Free Burma Coalition, send a message to: zni@students.wisc.edu or visit their homepage, accessible through: http:// FreeBurma.org There is also an e-mail list-server especially for Free Burma activists BURMANET SUBSCRIPTION INFORMATION: The BurmaNet News is an electronic newspaper covering Burma. Articles from newspapers, magazines, newsletters, the wire services and the Internet as well as original material are published. It is produced with the support of the Burma Information Group (B.I.G) and the Research Department of the ABSDF. We are also grateful to many other friends around the world who send us articles to post. The BurmaNet News is e-mailed directly to subscribers and is also distributed via the soc.culture.burma and seasia-l mailing lists. For a free subscription to the BurmaNet News: send a message to: majordomo@igc.apc.org a. For the BurmaNet News only: in the message, type: subscribe burmanews-l b. For the BurmaNet News and 4-5 other messages a day: in the message, type: subscribe burmanet-l (NOTE: all lower case letters, last letter is a lower case "L", not the numeral one). Letters to the editor, comments or contributions of articles should be sent to the editor at: strider@igc.apc.org