From editor@burmanet.org Tue Nov 12 21:40:06 2002 From: editor@burmanet.org (editor@burmanet.org) Date: Tue, 12 Nov 2002 16:40:06 -0500 (EST) Subject: BurmaNet News: November 11 2002 Message-ID: <41609.207.10.94.131.1037137206.squirrel@webmail.pair.com> November 11 2002 Issue #2119 INSIDE BURMA DVB: Hey, you! Donate! DVB: Woes of prisoners’ family Kao Wao: Mon appeals to UN to monitor displaced persons INTERNATIONAL Malaysiakini: Razali may quit Reuters: U.S. calls for substantive dialogue in Myanmar REGIONAL NLM: Myanmar-Thai joint task force on illegal workers meets MISCELLANEOUS BBC: Job announcement _____INSIDE BURMA____ Democratic Voice of Burma November 11 2002 Hey, you! Donate! According to DVB sources, the people of Magwe are being forced to contribute to the expenses on clothes for members of official women organisations and the USDA so that they could attend the opening ceremony of a new bridge on River Irrawaddy at Minbu, Magwe Division. 300 kyats are demanded from each family. As the ceremony is to be attended by the top brass of SPDC, the local population is instructed to wear matching clothes as those of local organisations. All the expenses are to be meted out from local people by local authorities. ____________ Democratic Voice of Burma November 11 2002 Woes of prisoners' family Political prisoners are deliberately being imprisoned in faraway prisons and the practice is causing much distress to members of their families. Among them, the family of Ko Thet Win Aung who was imprisoned 59 years is one. The military government SPDC arrested Ko Thet Win Aung in 1998 and sentenced him 59 years in prison. He was moved to Khamtee Prison in northern Burma last month for his involvement in a hunger strike. Members of his family who live in Rangoon are finding it very hard to meet him in prison. The following is a phone interview with his older brother: Ko Moe Aye : We want to find out about Ko Thet Win Aung's health. Ko Thet Win Aung's brother : It's good. Compared to previous situations, his health is much better now. His complexion is much better. Local people and prison authorities are also helping. Ko Moe Aye : Why was he moved from Kale Prison to Khamtee Prison? Ko Thet Win Aung's brother : He was moved because he went on hunger strike. There were 11 of them. Ko Moe Aye : So there are no worries for his health? Ko Thet Win Aung's brother : His health is OK. Ko Moe Aye : How is his mental health and strength? Ko Thet Win Aung's brother : From what I have learnt, it's quite good. His condition is quite good. Previously, he used to have malaria. We are worried about that. Ko Moe Aye : How often can you see him? Ko Thet Win Aung's brother : Only once in three or four months.You could only go there by that length of time because it's very difficult to go there. But if you could go there by flight, it would be easier. There are difficulties in catching a flight directly as you know. So, we have to take a flight from Rangoon to Kale and from Kale to Khamtee. We have to take speedboats in Chindwin River. If you go that way and leave early in the morning, you will get there by the evening. It takes about two days. >From Kale to Kalewa you take a car and then from Kalewa to Mawlite. From Mawlite you take a speedboat to Homlim. You sleep in Homlin one night. You sleep one night in Mawlite and the next morning, you travel from Homlin to Khamtee for the whole day and you only get to Khamtee in the evening. The journey is far and it's very tiring. It's no problem for young people but for old people it's very punishing. By flight, it's not bad if you could fly from Rangoon to Kale and Kamtee or Rangoon to Mandalay and to Khamtee. That way it's not bad. But for us, because of the charitable acts of local people, we got return flight from Khamtee to Mandalay. From Mandalay, we took the train [to Rangoon]. When we arrived at Mandalay, there were problems obtaining train tickets. Ko Moe Aye : In all, how many days did it take you to there and back? Ko Thet Win Aung's brother : It took 10 days. Even that it's because we could get tickets quite easily. The local people told us the route and we could travel easily. It could take longer for us, had we travelled without clear idea of direction. The journey from Kale to Khamtee might be 3 nights and two days, but if you go by a passenger boat, we were told that it takes five nights. Even five nights, you might not get there. It all depends on the currents. Ko Moe Aye : How much would it cost for one trip? Ko Thet Win Aung's brother : All the costs combines it cost between 70,000 and 80,000 kyats. Lodgings are expensive. Food is expensive. Ko Moe Aye : What do you feel about a member of your family being imprisoned in the farthest place from your home in Rangoon? Ko Thet Win Aung's brother : We have our own feelings. We are human beings. We Burmese even have feelings towards strangers. As for fraternal feelings, I don't want to say that I don't have feelings. Ko Moe Aye : Why do you think they keep Ko Thet Win Aung far away from his family? Ko Thet Win Aung's brother : I don't understand that either. Ko Moe Aye : Have you requested the ICRC to move Ko Thet Win Aung to a place nearer to Rangoon? Ko Thet Win Aung's brother : We haven't done that yet. My younger brother did plead prison authorities to move him to one of the prisons nearer to home. We don't know yet how the situation will turn out to be. _________ Kao Wao November 1 2002 MON APPEALS TO UN TO MONITOR DISPLACED PERSONS The umbrella organization of the Mon has asked the UN human rights envoy to allow the International Committee of Red Cross access into the areas of displaced persons. Sunthorn, Sripanngern, General Secretary of the Mon Unity League, asked for ICRC access into the Mon area of internally displaced people at a meeting with the UN human rights special envoy, Mr. Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, in Bangkok on Wednesday afternoon. According to an MUL spokesperson, the meeting was organized by Mr Nicholas Howen, UNHCR Regional Representative for Asia-Pacific, and attended by NGOs working on Burma and the Head of ICRC Regional Delegation for East Asia, Mr Jean-Marc Bornet. "The Mons have suffered from countless human rights abuses committed not only by the military regime but sometimes committed by Mon armed groups, particularly in remote areas," said MUL leader Nai Sunthorn at the meeting held at the UN office in Bangkok. At the moment, several armed groups including SPDC troops are active in the so-called cease-fire zone of the Mon. In fact the situation there is worse than before the cease-fire deal with the SPDC regime in 1995. On his recent trip to Burma, Mr. Pinheiro spent three days in Mon and Karen States and met political prisoners in Moulmein prison. Mr. Pinheiro said the political prisoners were not being tortured, since the ICRC representatives make regular visits to the prisons. On previous visits to Burma the UN human rights envoy made a strong case for the release of political prisoners, dialogue between military junta and the NLD, national reconciliation, humanitarian assistance and the rule of law. ___INTERNATIONAL________ Malaysiakini November 11 2002 Razali may quit By Yap Mun Ching/Kuala Lumpur November 11, 2002—Frustrated at the slow pace of talks, UN special envoy to Burma Razali Ismail said he might quit his role as facilitator to the Burmese national reconciliation process if real dialogue does not materialize soon. "If it goes on and on, I may decide to step down. It has been going on in my mind—how long more, how long more?" he said. Razali, who last visited Burma in August, said he had expected talks between the Burmese military government and Aung San Suu Kyi to take place within a short time after his departure. "[The government] didn’t give a time but they said [the dialogue] would take place very soon … In my understanding, ‘very soon’ would be like a couple of weeks or three to four weeks. It has been more than that," he lamented in an exclusive interview with Kuala Lumpur-based Malaysiakini last week. Razali is due to make his ninth visit to Burma tomorrow since his appointment to the UN post two years ago. Despite initial optimism, leaders of the regime in Rangoon and Suu Kyi have not met since the opposition leader’s release from house arrest in May. The UN envoy also said he is willing to consider taking on a larger role as mediator to the reconciliation talks if he is required to do so by the Burmese parties. However, he expressed clear frustration at the pace of the talks saying that he might decide to step down if he chalks no further progress. "I want to see a situation where there is negotiation and it comes to the point of irreversibility. And all the parties, including the ethnic groups, are all together." Questioned about his agenda for his upcoming five-day trip to Rangoon, Razali said he hopes to revitalize the move towards a dialogue between the two sides. "I am hoping to get the momentum moving again and I want to understand why it has slowed down. I want to get the wheels moving again as agreed to by all parties before," he said. Meanwhile, the slow pace of progress has also raised concern among several parties interested in the developments in Burma. On November 1, UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan expressed concern that the move towards political reform in Burma was losing steam and urged for a quick launch to substantive dialogues. "It is only through an all-inclusive dialogue that Myanmar [Burma] will be able to ensure that national reconciliation is durable and the transition to democracy smooth," said Annan in a report to the UN General Assembly. Annan also called for the release of all remaining political prisoners in the country and for the elimination of all remaining restriction on the activities of legal political parties. Last September, the United States State Department issued a statement in September expressing its disappointment that Rangoon has "failed to follow through on steps toward national reconciliation". _________ Reuters November 8 2002 U.S. calls for substantive dialogue in Myanmar WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The United States called for "substantive dialogue" between the government and opposition in Myanmar on Friday and said it strongly supported a visit next week by U.N. special envoy Razali Ismail. Ismail, on a visit between Nov. 12 and 16, expects to meet pro-democracy opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and several members of the ruling military junta. He will try to accelerate dialogue between the two sides. The military rulers released Suu Kyi from house arrest earlier this year but the dialogue has made little progress. State Department Richard Boucher said in a written statement: "We expected that dialogue between the regime in Burma (the old name for Myanmar) and Aung San Suu Kyi would be well under way by now. Instead, we have seen no signs of the discussions critical to the future of Burma. He said the United States strongly supported Ismail's mission. "We reiterate our call for a substantive dialogue with the democratic opposition and the immediate and unconditional release of all of the many remaining political prisoners," Boucher said. _____REGIONAL_______ New Light of Myanmar November 11 2002 Myanmar-Thai Joint Task Force on illegal workers meets Yangon, 11 Nov - The fourth meeting of Myanmar-Thai Joint Task Force on Illegal Workers was held at Satuyingabala hall of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs here today. Myanmar delegation headed by Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs U Khin Maung Win and the Thai delegation led by Mr Tej Bunnag, Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Thailand discussed matters relating to the reception of illegal workers in the spirit of friendship and cooperation. ______MISCELLANEOUS______ British Broadcasting Corporation November 10 2002 Job Announcement Summary information BBC World Service... ...is the world’s leading international multimedia news provider with an audience of 150 million worldwide in over 40 languages, including English. Research, prepare and produce... ...material for radio other media forms in Burmese. Newsgathering, write scripts, present programmes, conduct interviews. Translate and adapt material swiftly and accurately for transmission. Burmese as first or equivalent language... ...with good comprehension of written and spoken English. Good microphone voice, in depth understanding of international affairs and close familiarity with Burma and the target area required. Degree level education, with recent and relevant full-time journalistic experience. Good keyboard skills and awareness of IT and the Internet essential. You can apply for this vacancy right now. Or if you'd like more information, read on. More information JOB SPECIFICATION Job Title: Producer, Language ServicesDivision: BBC World ServiceBase: LondonGrade: 7D Ref: 57973 From editor@burmanet.org Tue Nov 12 21:41:35 2002 From: editor@burmanet.org (editor@burmanet.org) Date: Tue, 12 Nov 2002 16:41:35 -0500 (EST) Subject: BurmaNet News: November 12 2002 Message-ID: <42172.207.10.94.131.1037137295.squirrel@webmail.pair.com> November 12 2002 Issue #2120 INSIDE BURMA DPA: U.N. envoy arrives in Myanmar to push junta-Suu Kyi dialogue DVB: Life after Razali for better or worse? Kao Wao: Farmers thrown into a life of poverty Irrawaddy: Honsawatoi Restoration Party member shot AFP: Myanmar court hears Ne Win family’s appeal against coup conviction MONEY Financial Times: Clarke facing embarrassment over Burma link GUNS Globes Online: Jaffee Center: Israel supplied UAVs to Indonesia AFP: Karenni rebels committed to armed struggle despite defection reports REGIONAL Malaysiakini: Razali defends Iris: disappointed with ASEAN Malaysiakini: Interview with Razali Ismail: Part 2 INTERNATIONAL Sacramento Bee: Burmese activists builds global support ____INSIDE BURMA_______ Deutsche Presse-Agentur November 12 2002 U.N. envoy arrives in Myanmar to push junta-Suu Kyi dialogue United Nations Special Envoy Razali Ismail arrived in Yangon (Rangoon) Tuesday on his ninth visit to Myanmar (Burma) aimed at energising stalled reconciliation talks between the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the four-decade-old military government. Razali met with Foreign Minister U Wing Aung shortly after his arrival and was scheduled to meet with the ruling junta's first secretary, General Khin Nyunt, later in the day. On Tuesday evening he was scheduled to meet with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, whose NLD won the country's only free election in 1990, but has been blocked from taking power by the junta, which now calls itself the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). A statement issued by the U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan's spokesman said Razali had also requested a meeting with the SPDC's chairman, Senior General Than Shwe. "As stated in his report to the General Assembly, the secretary general is concerned that the positive momentum generated for the ongoing national reconciliation process in Myanmar since the restoration of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's freedom of movement on 6 May could dissipate, unless some tangible progress is made in the near future," the statement said. Razali's visit comes amid increasing frustration over the apparent foot-dragging by the junta in taking part in a substantive dialogue with Suu Kyi's NLD. A statement from the European Union urged the junta "to take advantage of the visit by arranging a meeting for the U.N. special envoy with Senior General Than Shwe. "The European Union believes it is important that the Burma/Myanmar authorities use this opportunity to take clear and substantive steps to initiate a genuine political process, leading to reconciliation and democratisation in Burma." _____ Democratic Voice of Burma November 11 2002 Life After Razali for better or for worse? It has emerged today that the UN special envoy Mr Razali Ismail is to resign from his position if the national reconciliation process takes longer in Burma. He told a Malaysian news agency just before his ninth trip to Rangoon. On his eighth visit, the SPDC promised him to start dialogues soon. It is said that he understood that the term 'soon' to be about 2 or 3 weeks, at most a month but as no talks had emerged; he is feeling a sense of despair. Here is the reaction of NLD spokesman U Lwin: U Lwin : He said that with a sense of responsibility, I presume but we don't know what will really happen yet. Please wait for a little bit more. Don't rush. He is not at the stage of doing it. Only when he did it would be true, of course. U Khun Tun Oo of UNA also says that he is expecting to meet Mr Razali on Friday and he added that there could be some disastrous consequences if Razali resigned: U Khun Tun Oo : Mr Razali is comfortable (friendly) with the SPDC, with NLD and with ethnic nationalities. It would be a great loss to us if someone like him who is comfortable with all of us decided to abandon us. If I have to say it straight, we have to be alert and diligent for the talk. Htet Aung Kyaw : If there is no progress and Mr Razali resigned, what kind of consequences will there be? U Khun Tun Oo : It's difficult to predict because it not only Mr Razali who is involved here. The UN itself sponsored the process. The UN assigned the duty to Mr Kofi Anan. He appointed Mr Razali as his representative to do things for him. If the UN cannot able to help, there would be no help from other quarters. I think that scenario could become an unimaginable nightmare. Here is the view of U Aung Moe Zaw from National Council of Union of Burma (NCUB) based in Thailand: U Aung Moe Zaw : We regard Mr Razali's statement as the description of the true state of SPDC and the national reconciliation process in the country. Secondly, it is time to push the SPDC to talk through systematic and co-ordinated efforts by international communities. Thirdly, it's time for the international communities strengthen and support democratic forces effectively. ___________ Kao Wao News Group November 4 2002 FARMERS THROWN INTO A LIFE OF POVERTY Confiscation of land in Mon State by the Burmese army in August have brought increasing hardship to local villagers through the loss of their land and food security. Local battalions of the State Peace and Development Council based in Northern Ye township, Mon State, confiscated over 2000 acres of cultivated land that will increase poverty, according to Mawkanin villagers whose lands were seized by the Burmese army. Most of the plantation lands in this area have been taken by force for the building of heavy artillery bases. The land was confiscated last August shortly after a trip to the area by General Maung Bo, the junta chief who has oversight over Mon and Karen states and Tenasserim division. The farmers were forced to sign an agreement set out by the authorities for the seizure. The authorities allowed the farmers to produce rubber for three years before the land is seized. They will receive no compensation. Nai Blai whose land was confiscated said it will lead to social unrest and local people will take up arms to resume fighting against the regime. Many people have lost their land, become jobless, and are looking for weapons to ambush the SPDC soldier who is guarding their old lands. Land just confiscated by the army for the (Battalion), has only a few soldiers guarding it, said Nai Blai. According to a village headman, these lands are to be used for the expansion of Battalions 106 and 588. The lands seized in this area are not for the purpose of building the battalion as the commander told the villagers, but will later be used for the army's coffers to raise fund and deal in business ventures. "If the SPDC is trying to build new battalions, about 50 or 60 acres of land will be enough, but they seized thousands acres of land to use for economic reasons," complained a villager Nai Krake who escaped to the Thai-Burma border. In August, General Maung Bo met the village headmen and farmers to inspect the site in Mon State explaining about the government's plan to build an artillery battalion. The government seized 2,000 acres of land in Northern Ye after the General's visit. The land was confiscated from local villagers and includes 600 acres belonging to Mokanin, Lamine Hnitkayin and DeinPeen villages, 500 acres between Jao-Khalae and Taungbon village, and 500 acres between Aung-Thayar and Leinmaw-Chan of Northern Ye Township, Mon State. The abbot of a Buddhist monastery in Mawkanin village requested to the local commanders on behalf of the farmers not to seize the land, but the request was ignored by the military regime. After the seizure, many villagers migrated to Thailand while those remaining in Mon State expressed their desire to take revenge on the army for the loss of their lands. The disappointed Buddhist monk said, "After their lands were taken, some farmers went to Thailand through the Three Pagodas Pass border, while other farmers went to Rangoon to apply for passports in order to find work in Singapore and Malaysia." Since 2000, confiscation of land in Ye township of Mon State has increased to accommodate the building of larger army bases. According to a local administrator, over 5000 acres have been seized since then. Most fertile lands are valuable for plantations belonging to the Mon and Karen civilians. A Mon veteran politician from Ye complained, "There are ten new battalions added in Ye township since 2000." _______ Irrawaddy November 12 2002 Honsawatoi Restoration Party Member Shot By Naw Seng A member of the breakaway Honsawatoi Restoration Party (HRP) was injured last night in Sangklaburi, Thailand, after an unknown group opened fired on a home owned by the brother of the HRP’s leader, according to Mon sources in the area. "We can't say who the culprit is," said Naing Aye Mon from the New Mon State Party (NMSP). "But we can confirm that our group didn't participate, but some think that this attack came from our group." Sources say the attack was aimed at Col Naing Pan Nyunt, the leader of the HRP and its military wing the Monland Restoration Army (MRA), which broke away from the NMSP in November 2001. Pan Nyunt was allegedly staying in the house last night alongside his brother Naing Aung Than and Naing Maung Han, who was injured in the attack. The HRP did not comment on the incident, which is being investigated by the Thai police. Security has also reportedly been increased in the area following the attack. In late October, four NMSP members—including Central Executive Committee member Nai Min Htut—were killed after the MRA attacked a home in Burma’s Mon State where the men were sleeping. _____________ Agence France-Presse November 12 2002 Myanmar court hears Ne Win family's appeal against coup conviction Myanmar's Supreme Court on Tuesday began hearing an appeal lodged by the son-in-law and three grandsons of former dictator Ne Win who were sentenced to death for plotting to overthrow the junta. Chief defence counsel Tun Sein told the court there was no basis for a lower court's decision in September to convict the four of treason. "We are submitting this appeal in the hope that the Supreme Court will reverse the decision by the divisional court," he told judges Tin Aung Ayea and Khin Myint. Tun Sein called for Ne Win's son-in-law Aye Zaw Win and three grandsons Aye Ne Win, Kyaw Ne Win and Zwe Ne Win to be acquitted of the charges. The men were sentenced to death by hanging after being arrested in March in a swoop against the once all-powerful family that stunned the nation and remodelled Myanmar's political landscape. The junta said the Ne Win clan had grown disgruntled at losing their economic and political privileges as their patriarch's power waned, and had used black magic and voodoo dolls as part of their plot to seize power. Most observers doubt they were seriously attempting to mount a takeover, but believe the current regime installed 14 years ago, now known as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), wanted to demonstrate it is firmly in charge. Since the arrests, Ne Win and his daughter Sandar Win -- reputedly the brains behind the family which accumulated an extensive business empire -- have been held under virtual house arrest at their Yangon home. Ne Win stood down in 1988 after a quarter-century in power but until the crackdown on his family he had widely been seen as an extremely influential figure who exerted control over the ruling generals. Analysts say they expect the death sentences will be commuted to life imprisonment as the current regime has never presided over an execution and the last person accused of treason was hung in the 1970s, under Ne Win's rule. It was not known how long the appeal will take to be heard, but by a midday recess Tuesday only Aye Zaw Win's case had been read to the court. A small group of media has been allowed to hear the proceedings but the court is closed to the public. ____MONEY_____ Financial Times November 12 2002 Clarke facing embarrassment over Burma link By Alison Maitland and Jean Eaglesham Kenneth Clarke, former chancellor and deputy chairman of British American Tobacco, faces severe embarrassment today over revelations that he criticised companies investing in Burma - where BAT has a joint venture with the military junta. Mr Clarke, who chairs the BAT board's corporate social responsibility committee, said in a letter to a constituent: "I must admit that I do sometimes feel uncomfortable about investment in that country . . . Theproblem in Burma arises when companies start collaborating with an extremely unpleasant regime which is totally contrary to our notions of civil liberties and democracy." Last night, however, Mr Clarke issued a statement rejecting calls for BAT to withdraw from the venture. The letter was obtained by the Burma Campaign UK, a leading human rights pressure group, which today launches a worldwide campaign to force BAT to withdraw. John Jackson, director of the pressure group, said: "Ken Clarke is absolutely right. He should get them to pull out immediately." Mr Clarke's letter appears to be in contradiction with BAT's policy, made clear in its first "social report" in July, to press on with the 60-40 per cent joint venture between its Rothmans subsidiary and Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings, an organisation owned by the Burmese military regime. BAT said Mr Clarke had not forgotten about the Burma investment when writing the letter. It issued a statement from Mr Clarke recalling that the Burma business was inherited in the merger with Rothmans International in 1999. Mr Clarke said: "An international company cannot reform the politics of the government of any country in which it does business. We employ more than 400 people in Burma and I see no benefit to them in us simply pulling out." The Burma Campaign, supported by the Federation of Trade Unions of Burma, Unison, Glenys Kinnock and Lord (formerly Sir David) Steel, said it would take just six minutes' worth of BAT's annual profits to give its workers in Burma a year's salary as severance pay. It points out the opposition of Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's democracy leader, to any investment until there is political change. It says the industrial zone where the cigarette factory is located was upgraded by the military authorities in 1996 using child labour. The campaign will ask leading investment funds, including Hermes, Insight Investment, Morley and Jupiter, to use their influence to persuade BAT to pull out. Vincent Cable, Liberal Democrat trade and industry spokesman, claimed Mr Clarke was "risking his reputation for being forthright and honest" by advocating withdrawal of investment from Burma while representing a company doing the opposite. However, Mr Clarke said on BBC's Newsnight last night : "I don't think companies can have a rule about not doing business with dictatorships." He added that "probably about a third of the world" was governed by dictatorships. _____GUNS______ Globes Online November 12 2002 Jaffee Center: Israel supplied UAVs to Indonesia By Dror Marom The Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies’ annual “Middle East Military Balance 2001-2002” also reveals other arms deals. Indonesia has bought unmanned aviation vehicles (UAVs) from an Israeli company, Tel Aviv University’s Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies’ “The Middle East Military Balance 2001-2002” reveals. Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim country, has no diplomatic relations with Israel. “The Middle East Military Balance” states that Israel sold arms to at least 47 countries worldwide. Deals include the following: Israel Military Industries-manufactured Galil assault rifles and other arms to Colombia; Air-to-air missiles, Litening Airborne Infra-Red Navigation and Targeting Pods, laser-guided bombs, 155mm artillery and upgrades of ships and Chinese-built F-7 jets to Myanmar (formerly Burma). Galil assault rifles to Nepal. Dabur patrol boats to Nicaragua. Kfir fighter jets, Sa’ar model 4.5 missile boats, UAVs, mine detectors, 120mm tank shells, and ground forces radars to Sri Lanka. A deal to upgrade Uganda Air Force MiG-21 has been frozen. Relying on foreign sources, “The Middle East Military Balance” states that besides the Indonesia deal, Israel has supplied Searcher UAVs, Night Target System (NTS) missiles against ground targets, a military satellite, Ehud air combat debriefers and upgrades for F-5 jet fighters to Singapore. “The Middle East Military Balance” details all of Israel’s arms deals with India, which has become Israel’s largest arms customer. India has bought several types of UAVs built by Israel Aircraft Industries. ___________ Agence France-Presse November 12 2002 Karenni rebels committed to armed struggle despite defection reports Karenni rebels vowed Tuesday to continue their armed resistance against the Myanmar junta despite a report that 153 of their comrades had surrendered to the regime. Myanmar's official press said this week that a contingent from the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), including two senior commanders, turned themselves in at a ceremony Saturday in Loikaw, the state capital of Kayah. But KNPP officials on the Thai border disputed Yangon's claims that their comrades had defected from the ethnic militia which has resisted central rule for decades. "We still believe our people were forced to surrender by the SPDC (the ruling State Peace and Development Council) when they were in Loikaw for peace talks," KNPP information officer Khu-U Rae told AFP by telephone. He said the group was on high alert following the announcement of the surrender and that rebel leaders were weighing their options. "The KNPP will continue to carry out its armed resistance movement with around 2,000 members," Khu-U Rae said. The group confirmed it sent a delegation led by senior commander Kari Htoo earlier this month to peace talks in Loikaw, but dismissed the number of reported defections as an exaggeration. It claimed instead that just 40 KNPP rebels were present at the ceremony, while the rest were civil administration officers from Karenni villages or villagers engaged in business with the junta. Khu-U Rae conceded there were rumours that a split had emerged within the group, with a minority supporting a peace deal with the junta. Other senior KNPP leaders, including the group's secretary general Raymond Htoo, were at a meeting on the remote Thai-Myanmar border Tuesday and unavailable for comment. Ethnic insurgencies have plagued border areas since Myanmar gained independence from Britain in 1948. By the end of the 1990s, the junta had signed ceasefire accords with 17 groups, leaving a handful still fighting Yangon's rule. Tens of thousands of villagers have been displaced as a result of the conflicts, with many of them living in refugee camps on the Thai side of the border __REGIONAL ______ Malaysiakini November 12 2002 Razali Defends Iris; Disappointed with Asean By Yap Mun Ching/Kuala Lumpur Despite criticism over his involvement in a company that does business with the Burmese government, United Nations special envoy to Burma Razali Ismail maintained that he is still qualified as facilitator in the Burmese peace talks since he had never discussed business with the military leaders. In an exclusive interview with Malaysiakini last Friday, Razali explained that Iris Technologies, a company in which he has a 30 percent stake, had established a general interest in Burma even prior to his appointment as special envoy. "Iris’ interest in [Burma] happened before I became the special envoy but it was a general interest," said Razail. "Then it developed into something specific." "I have never once spoken to the leaders in [Burma] about Iris," he said. He claimed that opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself had no problems with his involvement in Iris when he spoke to her about it. "She has complete trust in my integrity," he said. However, Razali was quick to add that regardless of whether he had the trust of others, what mattered ultimately was whether he was confident that he was right for the job. "At the end of the day, you have to think if you are qualified or not. If you are no longer qualified because of certain involvement, you should step down. I think I am qualified." Razali’s part ownership of Iris Technologies was first revealed last May when a Rangoon-based newspaper reported a deal for the Malaysian company to supply 5,000 electronic passports to the Burmese government. In the ensuing controversy, the UN secretary-general’s office said it was satisfied that there was no conflict of interest in Razali’s dual role, and that his contract with the organization did not carry any restrictions on business activities. Disappointed with Asean Meanwhile, Razali said the UN continues to approve of his efforts to push forward the Burmese reconciliation process. "Every six months they come and say please do it for another six months. Basically, while some people raised their eyebrows, nobody wanted me to actually drop this. In fact, I got another contract recently, without asking," he said. The UN envoy, however, expressed disappointment with Asean leaders for not doing more to encourage progress in the Burmese talks. "[The Eight Asean Summit in Phnom Penh] has just taken place. I do not know how many leaders took the trouble to talk about this quietly," he said. Razali said that while respecting Asean’s principle of non-interference, it is still possible for the individual leaders to express their views, in a similar manner as Malaysian Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad. "I think [Mahathir] has done a huge amount of work in trying to help the UN and bring about a situation of national reconciliation in (Burma) at the highest level...As far as the other Asean leaders are concerned, I am somewhat surprised that they have not expended energy to that extent," he said. During a high-level official visit in August, Mahathir was said to have urged Burma’s generals to engage in dialogue with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. Sense in meeting Initially expected to meet with Suu Kyi, Mahathir left Burma instead with a message from the military government that it would only proceed with change at its own pace. Asked why the proposed meeting did not materialize, Razali declined to provide any reasons but added that it made sense for the two leaders to meet. "I was told that Suu Kyi wanted to meet with [Mahathir] and [Mahathir] also would have liked to meet with her...I think it would help the government of [Burma] and Suu Kyi in their understanding and perspective of the issues." "I am surprised that they have not met. I do not want to speculate on why [but]..I think it makes a lot of sense for them to meet," he said. Razali is due to arrive in Rangoon today on his ninth visit to Burma since his appointment as special envoy two years ago. He is expected to revitalize the move towards a dialogue between the military government and Suu Kyi, which had stalled after initial optimism over the opposition leader’s release from house arrest in May. In 1990, Suu Kyi and her National League of Democracy won a landslide victory in democratic elections but this was not recognized by the country’s military junta. __________ Malaysiakini November 12 2002 Interview with Razali Ismail: Part 2 During the second and final installation of UN special envoy to Burma Razali Ismail’s exclusive interview with Yap Mun Ching from the Kuala Lumpur-based Malaysiakini New Service, Razali defends his involvement with Iris Technologies, speaks of his role as special envoy and his disappointment with Asean in engaging Rangoon as well as issues of poverty and abuse in Burma. "So, all Asean countries, particularly the ones physically neighboring Myanmar, have the right to make known their views and hope that there will be peace, reconciliation and economic development…. Asean countries can play the necessary role to bring about the evolution of political structure in Myanmar." Q: Were you already involved with Iris Technologies before you became UN special envoy? A: I joined Iris nearly four years ago. About two and a half years ago, I became the UN envoy. Iris’ interest in Myanmar [Burma] happened before I became the special envoy but it was a general interest. Then, it developed into something specific. I have never once spoken to the leaders in Myanmar about Iris. Iris is a technology [company] that wins contracts by itself. Iris’ technology is the most obvious one to have because this is the way how passports will go—electronically. I have never at any moment felt that there was conflict of interest. Purists can say otherwise, as one journalist did. So I asked him if he wanted me to resign. Would everybody be happy if I resigned? We seem to try to splash things up to so many parts. I have been in the US, I have been to the UK and Europe, and the connections between business and politics have always been there but you must be accountable. Here, in the context of accountability, I have done nothing at all. There is not an iota of conflict involved. Q: So you don’t think it has affected your credibility? A: No, I think the UN looked at it and thought there was nothing there. If they didn’t like it, they could have stopped my contract. I would be quite happy not to be special envoy, I have other things to do in my life. I was sort of shanghaied to do this job. If they don’t think that I am the right person to do it then they can always terminate the contract. Q: Are they happy with what you are doing now? A: Well, every six months they come and say please do it for another six months. Basically while some people raised their eyebrows, nobody wanted me to actually to drop this. In fact, I got another contract recently, without asking. Q: Will this silence your critics? A: No, it will not silence them. There are always people who want to be such purists. It is not so simple. Life is not so compartmentalized. Q: You are a very busy businessman in addition to your UN work. If the Myanmar parties and the UN want you to expand your role, would you have the time? A: There are a lot of things I want to do. I want to do some environmental things. I want to do some farming, I want to grow trees. We should try to do forest plantation. We should not cut trees anymore. Down the road, say 20 years from now, we should cut trees only from plantations. We should already begin. It is already beginning in Sabah and Sarawak, and we should do it here in the peninsula. I also want to do better with the Yayasan Salam [state-owned Salam Foundation] which wants to help in national integration and push the concept of active citizenship. So, this has already taken a lot of my time and I am beginning to feel like a fellow who is punched-drunk—you know, running from pillar to post. But Myanmar is like a magnet, it draws you in. It is not just the political things but also the people, the rights of people to have a chance to do better for themselves. And the personalities are very, very interesting so if I can play a role then I will do it. Q: Why were you picked as envoy? Could it be because of your position as special advisor to Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad? A: The [UN] secretary-general [Kofi Annan] has advisors to tell him who to [choose] and I was picked. I don’t think it has any connection to my job with the prime minister of Malaysia but I am sure they took into account the relationship between Malaysia and Myanmar. Q: When Asean embraced Myanmar, one of the reasons given was that the move would open up dialogue with the military government. But there is little visible effort to push for reconciliation talks between the junta and the opposition. A: How can you say that? The prime minister of Malaysia... Q: But he is a Malaysian leader. What about Asean? A: Here I am speaking as a Malaysian. I think Dr Mahathir has done a huge amount of work in trying to help the UN and bring about a situation of national reconciliation in Myanmar at the highest level. He continues to have that concern and he also wants to get businesses [going] in Myanmar. That would help Myanmar. As far as the other Asean leaders are concerned, as a Malaysian or even as a UN special envoy, I am somewhat surprised that they have not expended energy to that extent. Q: What kind of efforts do you expect? A: In the case of Asean, while respecting the question of non-interference strongly, it is still possible to express your view on a particular situation. After all, we have common borders. There is mobility across borders and people move from one side to the other and there is also [migrant] laborers from Myanmar. There is also the fear of HIV spread, and the fear of the movement of narcotics, whatever their place of origin. So, all Asean countries, particularly the ones physically neighboring Myanmar, have the right to make known their views and hope that there will be peace, reconciliation and economic development. As the prime minister says: ‘Prosper your neighbor’. This is the only thing that will work. We don’t want a situation similar to what Western Europe did to Eastern Europe during the Cold War—to try to starve and bankrupt Eastern Europe. To some extent they did succeed but the price they have to pay to rebuild the economies is huge. So why don’t we do it this way? We help to develop these countries as much as we can, not just Myanmar but also Laos and Vietnam. In the context of constructive engagement, Asean countries can play the necessary role to bring about the evolution of political structure in Myanmar. Q: Similar to what Mahathir is doing now? A: Yes, without headlining and without trying to get kudos from it—just quietly. The [8th Asean Summit in Phnom Penh] has just taken place. I do not know how many leaders took the trouble to talk about this quietly. Q: As the special advisor to Mahathir, are you required to brief him on the Myanmar situation? A: Yes, as much as possible. As often as the PM has the time, I brief and talk to him on this and that about Myanmar. I also express my views over a few other things. I think the honor is mine. I have gained more from that designation than I have given to the PM so I am very grateful for that. I am honest enough to realize that the PM has done me a favor. I haven’t really helped him enough in advising him. Q: It was said that Suu Kyi wanted to meet with Mahathir during his visit to Myanmar in August. Subsequently, they did not meet. Do you know the reason for it? A: I was told that Suu Kyi wanted to meet with Dr Mahathir, and Dr Mahathir also would have liked to meet with her. I am surprised that they have not met. I think it would help the government of Myanmar and Suu Kyi in their understanding and their perspectives of the issues. I hope they meet. I do not want to speculate why they did not meet, I have no right to do that. I think it makes a lot of sense for them to meet. Q: According to Human Rights Watch, the military has been involved in persecuting Muslim minority groups. Malaysia is home to a sizeable community of Muslim Rohingyas who say they face persecution. A: I am aware of what has taken place and there are huge numbers of internally displaced people. Some of them have come here. A solution must be found eventually, if not sooner. I think if there is political reconciliation, all these issues will begin to be solved. If these Muslims from the Arakan area have citizenship, then the government would have to accept that they are citizens. If they do not have citizenship, then it is another matter. If they are citizens, all rights of citizenship must be given to them. Q: That is the disputed point. A: In a better climate when there is national reconciliation, all these things will have to be examined. But you can’t just plonk this out and make this a red flag—that the military government is terrible. That is not putting the whole picture there. Various groups outside can always have their favorite flogging horse. Everybody has that. Here too, maybe there are politicians who feel that as Muslims, we have to help them. Maybe there are grounds for all this, but please look at it in context. Q: There are also reports from human rights groups alleging rape of Shan women, use of child soldiers, slavery, ethnic and religious persecution. A: I deal with the reconciliation process. These [other] matters are dealt with by Dr Paulo Sergio Pinheiro who is the UN special envoy for human rights. However, they do impact on what I have to do. All the allegations must be investigated. It would not be wise not to investigate them. One has to know the truth. Sometimes things are said and they have their own momentum. I am not saying that these allegations are blown out of proportion but we have to be very careful because these are very emotive things. Women being raped and [persecution of] ethnic groups are terrible but one has to be cool-headed about these things. It is also very easy to make allegations. Q: So far you have met with Suu Kyi and the government separately. Any chance for you to meet them together? A: My role is that of a facilitator. I do not really mediate. That has been an arrangement that has suited everybody given their sensitivities and all that. Of course, the UN is prepared to consider all possibilities if, for some reason or other, the UN has to do more and I am asked to be more involved. If all parties agree, there is no problem. Q: Do you see your role evolving to one of a mediator or do you see yourself stepping out at some point? A: One has to be very careful about this because the Myanmar parties are very sensitive and very clear in their minds that they want to do it their way. This is a homegrown process of national reconciliation and as far as the UN is concerned and the international community is concerned, as long as the results are there we have no right to say this or that. If there is a need recognized by all parties that I should do more then, of course, I would do it. Q: You have said that you met with several ethnic minority group leaders. Who are they are which groups do they represent? A: They are the leaders of ethnic political parties that are considered legal. They have an alliance called the [United Nationalities Alliance]. Q: Some exiles from Myanmar have said that the people are now at a breaking point. A: I think the events of 1988 are not something that one should contemplate for the future. I think there must be other ways of doing this. It is the right of the people to take to the streets if things are desperate, but things are not that desperate. If you look at Suu Kyi’s philosophy, she does not want any of those things. She wants to persuade the government that it is in everybody’s interest, including the military government to evolve into a situation where there is national reconciliation and a proper government. Q: What about news that people are starving? A: People are undernourished and people are poor in certain areas. They need infrastructure development. They need power, their lights are sometimes shut off. There is no reason why 50 million people in Myanmar should live like that. Myanmar is not in some remote corner of the world. Myanmar is part and parcel of Asean, a burgeoning area of growth. The people in Myanmar should benefit like other people in Asean, so it is not acceptable. ____INTERNATIONAL_____ Sacramento Bee November 12 2002 Burmese activist builds global support By Priyanka Sharma-Sindhar The former UCD student works out of a tiny Berkeley office to try to rid his country of military rule. BERKELEY -- On an average day, Zar Ni gets into work by 5 a.m. Like many others, he works 12-hour days, spending a lot of time on the computer and the phone. Unlike many others, he devotes his time to ridding his homeland -- Myanmar, formerly known as Burma -- of military rule. Ni, 39, who now goes by the one-word name "Zarni," is the founder of the Free Burma Coalition, the highest-profile Burmese activist organization on the globe. The movement -- inspired by the push to end apartheid in South Africa -- is rooted in putting economic pressure on Myanmar's military commanders. "We're a totally nonviolent movement," said Zarni, who left his country 14 years ago to attend the University of California, Davis, and now works out of a tiny office in Berkeley. "We're not training our people to blow themselves up." His days as a student activist continued at the University of Wisconsin, where he enrolled in a doctorate program in education. Zarni created the Free Burma Coalition in 1995. The network connects supporters on college campuses via e-mail. Today, the network extends to 28 countries, and has chapters at nearly 50 college campuses in the United States. "Internationally . . . every activist interested in Burma knows Zarni and the Free Burma Coalition," said Maung Maung Oo, a visiting scholar at UC Berkeley's journalism school. Oo is a journalist with Irrawaddy, a magazine published by Burmese exiles along the Thai-Burma border. Renamed Myanmar by its military rulers, Burma is a country of 42 million people in Southeast Asia. Slightly smaller than Texas, it shares borders with China, India and Thailand, and for brief stretches, with Bangladesh and Laos. It was ruled by the British through the 19th and early 20th centuries -- and for a brief period during World War II by the Japanese -- before it fell into British hands again. Burma finally attained independence in 1948. But, with warring ethnic groups and a weak socialist democracy, the nation remained politically unsettled. In 1962, Gen. Ne Win overthrew the democratically elected prime minister, U Nu, and seized power. Since then, Myanmar has been ruled by a military regime. Rebellions have occurred sporadically -- only to be subdued. The most forceful uprisings took place in 1988, led by student activists. The ruling military junta sent in the army and many protesters died in the ensuing violence. Two years later, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy swept parliamentary elections, but the transition to democracy has yet to take place. With an army that's accused of drafting boys into military service, forcing villagers into heavy labor and raping women, the country has a dismal human rights record, according to Human Rights Watch. Dissenters and religious and ethnic minorities are persecuted, the nonprofit group says. Jack Healey, head of the Washington D.C.-based Human Rights Action Center and former executive director of Amnesty International USA, said efforts to improve conditions within the country, including sanctions by the U.S. government, have largely failed. "There isn't all that much movement. I don't know if that's because nobody knows where Burma is, or no one cares about Asia, or if it's 9/11," said Healey. Yet, he and others do credit activists here with keeping the issue alive. Kyaw Paw U, a professor at UC Davis and an American of Burmese origin, said, "The movement is so suppressed under the military regime that any amount of help that comes from here is important." Human rights groups and the Free Burma Coalition scored their biggest victory with its efforts to get PepsiCo Inc. to withdraw from Myanmar five years ago. The coalition launched a boycott against Pepsi products on local and international campuses. It also reached out to labor groups, women's groups, and church groups. In 1997, Pepsi ceased operations in Burma. "Pepsi was not the only company we were boycotting, but it became our poster boy, because it was a global company," said Zarni. The coalition went on to lobby state and federal agencies and corporate shareholders to disengage from companies that had business interests in Myanmar. That ended when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 2000 that states could not use their purchasing power to influence companies in business with countries known for human rights violations -- if the federal government had already established a foreign policy for those countries. The U.S. government has sanctions in place against Myanmar, which include an arms embargo and a ban on investment and direct assistance to the regime. The activists continue to pressure companies to pull out of Myanmar and claim 70 successes, such as the hotel chain Best Western International Inc. and clothing retailer J.Crew. According to the U.S. Commerce Department, in 2000 there was a $454 million deficit in U.S. trade with Myanmar, and in 2001, a $458 million deficit. El Segundo-based Unocal Corp., which has a stake in a $1.2 billion natural gas project, is the last prominent American company in Myanmar. Six years ago, villagers in Myanmar filed a suit against Unocal seeking damages for human rights abuses, such as forced labor and rape, committed by soldiers during the pipeline's construction. In September,the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals reversed an earlier federal court decision and said the oil giant could be held liable for any violations and must now stand trial. A Unocal spokesman has said the company has no knowledge and is not responsible for any human rights abuses that may have occurred.