From editor@burmanet.org  Thu Dec  5 21:56:21 2002
From: editor@burmanet.org (editor@burmanet.org)
Date: Thu, 5 Dec 2002 16:56:21 -0500 (EST)
Subject: BurmaNet News: December 5 2002
Message-ID: <15550.207.10.94.131.1039125381.squirrel@webmail.pair.com>

December 5 2002 Issue #2134

INSIDE BURMA

CNN: Former Myanmar strongman dies
Irrawaddy: The death of Burma’s despot
Financial Times: Burma’s iron ruler leaves tough legacy
Narinjara: Muslims from Burma flee forced labor
AFP: Earthquake shakes Myanmar, no casualties reported
AFP: Myanmar’s Ne Win cremated hours after death
Chinland Guardian: Meeting with Gen. Aung Than Lay of KNPP

REGIONAL

Xinhua: Chinese military leader meets Myanmar guests
Nation: Migrant Workers: New employment rules on the way

EDITORIAL/OTHER

Washington Times: Burma defends its drug record
Burma Refugee Relief Coalition: Wisconsin students demand action on
alumnus imprisoned in Burma

INSIDE BURMA

CNN December 5 2002

Former Myanmar strongman dies

In his last public appearance in March last year, General Ne Win appeared
a mere shadow of the powerful figure he once was.
Ne Win ruled with an iron fist in what was then called Burma (now Myanmar)
for 26 years, seizing power in a bloodless coup in 1962.
Since then, he took the country from relative prosperity to poverty during
his hard-line socialist rule, damaging his reputation as a hero for his
role in winning independence from Britain in 1948.
Rarely appearing in photographs, especially since his retirement from
politics, there have been several reports of his death over the years, but
they have always ended up being little more than rumor.
On this occasion, though Ne Win's death was not announced officially, a
senior military official told CNN that they could not deny the story of
his passing.
The reclusive general died early Thursday, aged 91.
His health had been declining in recent years and the former dictator
suffered a heart attack in September last year and had a pacemaker
attached.
That was reportedly done in Singapore -- a favorite destination for Ne Win
because of the high quality of medical care in the city-state.
Once a powerful figure, Ne Win had faded into the history books over the
years and was totally discredited earlier this year after he and members
of his family were placed under house arrest.
His three grandsons and one son-in-law were accused and convicted of
corruption and attempts to overthrow the military government. All received
death sentences but are appealing their convictions.
Ne Win retired from politics and public life in 1988 just prior to a
popular uprising for democracy led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San
Suu Kyi, daughter of the late independence hero General Aung San.
But he still maintained a lot of behind-the-scenes political clout.
In recent months, Aung San Suu Kyi and the current military government
have held secret talks to attempt a dialogue between the two sides.
Following Ne Win's death, those talks may now have a better chance of
moving forward.
___________

Irrawaddy December 5 2002

The Death of Burma's Despot
By Aung Zaw

News of today’s death of Ne Win was met with skepticism and disbelief. It
wasn’t the first time that the former dictator who ruled Burma with an
iron-fist for 26 years passed away in the news.
Family members said Ne Win, 91, died this morning at 7.30 in his lakeside
villa where he had been confined with his daughter since the arrest of his
three grandsons and son-in-law on March 7. They were charged with
attempting to overthrow Burma’s military government, the State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC). Ne Win’s favorite daughter, Sandar Win, who
was also accused of masterminding the alleged coup, remains under house
arrest.
Unconfirmed reports say that an earthquake occurred at 6.00 this morning
about 150km outside of Rangoon. Journalists in Rangoon say that Ne Win has
already been cremated and that his funeral was attended by family members
and about 20 military officers wearing civilian clothing.
Former friends and close associates of the strongman expressed their
grief, but doubt that dramatic political changes are in store as a result
of his death.
Aung Gyi, 83, who served under Ne Win’s government, then known as the
Revolutionary Council [RC], was shaken by the news. "I feel sad for him as
the final episode of his life was disgraceful."
"He was responsible for what has happened to the country."
His remarks were the veteran politician’s first critical comments against
his former boss. He and Ne Win masterminded the coup in 1962, but Aung Gyi
quickly fell out of his favor. After being forced to resign he was thrown
into prison for proposing more pragmatic economic policies.
Prior to the 1988 democracy uprising, Aung Gyi wrote a series of open
letters to the general asking him to initiate economic reform, but it
never happened.
According to Thakin Chan Htun, a veteran politician living in Rangoon, Ne
Win had played a key role during the independence movement but after
seizing power in 1962, his "Burmese Way to Socialism" drove the country to
economic ruin.
Thakin Chan Htun put the death in a Buddhist perspective saying that Ne
Win was paying retribution for his past actions by spending his final days
as a prisoner of the military regime "because of the similar actions he
had taken against other people".
Under Ne Win’s rule many were imprisoned or placed under house arrest.
Prominent political leaders died in detention while others survived the
harsh punishment and torture. "Ne Win died while under house arrest,"
noted Thakin Chan Htun. "I felt sad to hear the news, and I pray for him."
After his official resignation as Burma’s leader in 1988, many veteran
politicians and friends went to see Ne Win and advised him to help change
the country, but Ne Win seemingly lost all interest in politics.
U Tin Htun, a high-ranking army officer in his 80s who was close to Ne
Win, said that he had advised the former leader to die as a savior of the
country, not as a villain.
"I told him [after Ne Win stepped down in 1988] to take part in politics
[to undertake reform]. He did not listen and said he is only interested in
religion and meditation. He chose to die as a villain."
Close associates to Ne Win, including Singapore’s Senior Minster Lee Kwan
Yew, agreed that "the Old Man" lost interest in politics in his later
years and instead devoted himself to meditation. The two political leaders
often met on Ne Win’s visits to Singapore.
In his memoirs, Lee Kwan Yew writes: "He [Ne Win] talked about his peace
and serenity of mind through his practice of meditation. For two years
after he withdrew from the government in 1988, he had been in torment,
fretting and worrying about what was going on in the country. Then in 1990
he began to get interested in and practice meditation. He was spending
many hours each day in silent meditation. He certainly looked much better
than the sickly person I had met in Rangoon in 1986."
U Tin Htun added that Ne Win was surrounded by people who cared little
about him.
"They take action against him when they feel strong and confident," he
said, referring to the alleged coup conspiracy. "The general was betrayed
by his own people who he brought up."
Ne Win’s death in Rangoon immediately raised questions concerning Burma’s
future and the internal struggle among the top generals.
Nothing will change, however, according to U Lwin, once a deputy minister
for finance under Ne Win and now a secretary of the National League for
Democracy (NLD).
U Lwin said that when his department recognized financial and economic
problems looming ahead, he suggested to Ne Win to receive foreign aid and
begin earnest reforms. He agreed initially but later changed his mind and
ignored the issue.
Ne Win was born on May 24, 1911 at Paungdale in Prome. His parents, U Po
Kha and Daw Mi Lay, gave him the name Shu Maung. When he joined the
Burmese resistance forces to liberate Burma from the British, he changed
his name to Ne Win, meaning the "Sun of Glory".
Ne Win officially came to power in a 1962 coup and formally stepped down
in July 1988 amid nationwide protests calling for an end to his 26 years
of military rule, a period that drove Burma into deep poverty.
Since then, many believed that the Old Man had continued to play a
"behind-the-scenes" role in politics.
In May of last year, Ne Win surprised everyone by appearing at the Sedona
Hotel in Rangoon to celebrate his 90th birthday. His favorite daughter,
Sandar Win, and some old military friends accompanied Ne Win to the
ceremony. Those in attendance included Aye Ko and Myo Nyunt, and Sein
Lwin, also known as the "Butcher of Rangoon" for his role in the 1988
massacres.
It was an unexpected ending for the "Sun of Glory". He never thought he
would die in disgrace. Despite being a pivotal figure in Burma’s modern
political history, Ne Win will be remembered only as a despot.
________

Financial Times December 5 2002

Burma's iron ruler leaves tough legacy
By Amy Kazmin and William Barnes

General Ne Win, who ruled Burma with an iron grip for 26 years, turning
what some held to the jewel of south-east Asia into an impoverished,
failed state, died on Thursday at his lakeside home in Rangoon at the age
of 91.
His body was cremated within hours at a small ceremony in the Ye Way
cemetery some 15 miles north of the capital. None of the military regime's
leaders attended.
It was an appropriately low-key end for a publicity-shy former post-office
clerk and student activist who, from a military coup in 1962 to his
resignation in 1988, forced his country to look inwards, and it soon
became apparent downwards.
His legacy is the military's deeply ingrained inability to stomach even
the most modest displays of dissent, its mania to control all aspects of
life even at the cost of general prosperity.
The half-Chinese Shu Maung chose the nomme de guerre Ne Win - "Brilliant
Sun" - when he became one of the legendary "30 comrades" of former
students who fought with the Japanese against colonial Britain, and formed
what became modern Burma's military.
The independence hero Aung San is said to have warned his friends to be
wary of the earthy Ne Win's bossy ways before he was assassinated six
months prior to independence, leaving a political vacuum that his cunning,
but much less charismatic, rival was ultimately to fill.
Post-independence Burma was predictably chaotic as unfinished historic
business came crashing in after a hurried British departure: myriad ethnic
rebels, a growing communist insurgency and ugly squabbles in Rangoon
proved a wobbly platform for the country's brief experiment with
democracy.
It was not to the taste of Ne Win and his fellow officers who overthrew
the government in 1962 to introduce what was touted as a subtle blend of
socialism and Buddhism. In reality the military simply appropriated the
economic high ground that was deemed to be in the hands of foreigners -
forcing several hundred thousand ethnic Indians and Chinese to leave the
country - and stifled any display of opposition or independent thought.
Perhaps by Ne Win's modest ambitions for his country he was a success: it
remained independent, non-communist and escaped terrible war. The price
has been high.
David Steinberg, director of Asian Studies at Georgetown University and
veteran Burma analyst, said Ne Win "is responsible for much of the
disaster economically and politically that has affected the country".
He inflicted on his country an austerity that he did not impose on
himself: he liked good food, gambling and women. He married five of his
conquests.
A mediocre student, he is rumoured to have been kicked out of Rangoon
University for bringing back a prostitute. One of the military's first
acts after the coup was to massacre protesting students and to blow up the
students' union building, the centre of student activism since colonial
times.
When he was persuaded to hold his one and only press conference the
waiting journalists could hear the great man berate his underlings as he
approached the venue: "Damn fools. Mother f*****s. Why do want to hold a
press conference? What do you want me to say?" He did in fact say nothing.
His suspicion of outsiders, especially foreigners, pushed the country into
sharp isolation: English teaching was drastically curtailed, for years
only 24-hour visas were issued to foreigners, the country even withdrew
from the non-aligned movement in 1979.
Even after retirement many Burmese remained convinced that "the old man"
remained the real power who ensured that the military refused to honour
the civilian opposition's massive 1990 election victory under Aung San Suu
Kyi, his old rival's daughter.
He may have had an eye on how history will judge him: when he retired from
active politics he called for a referendum to see if people wanted a
return to multi-party democracy. The idea was rejected by his colleagues,
but was a notion seized on by student protestors. Or was it all part of a
trick to provoke chaos and set the scene for a crackdown?
Speculation in the 1990s that the death of Ne Win could unlock the
"unfinished business" that he had with Aung San (that was carried on in
mutual dislike with Aung San Suu Kyi) has fizzled away, especially after
the generals moved against his family earlier this year
It is a backhanded complement to Ne Win's teaching in iron control to say
that his passing will not persuade the current regime to relax its grip.
For a man who regularly purged his ranks he might even have admired the
ruthless way the junta mourned his passing.
________

Narinjara News December 5 2002

Muslims from Burma flee forced labour

A fresh intrusion of Muslims from Burma including the Rohingya Muslims has
been reported through the porous borders of the south-eastern district of
Bangladesh close to Burma's western border, reports our correspondent.
The influx has caused wide concern among the local administration.  So far
an estimated five thousand illegal Rohingyas crossed the Naaf River up to
the last week of November who took shelter in the district of Cox's
Bazaar, according to a news item in the Independent ( 26 Nov) from Dhaka. 
Though the officials claimed the number to be 3,500 the actual number of
the new arrivals could not be ascertained as many get mingled with the
local Muslim population, residents in the area said.
When investigated, our correspondent came to know that the influx resulted
from fresh forced labour employed by the Burmese junta officials at home. 
Sabid Ali (not real name), a resident of northern part of Maungdaw
Township available in Cox's Bazaar, Bangladesh, said that there is an
undisclosed famine-like situation prevailing in the entire area where
Rohingya Muslims largely live due to conscription for forced labour in
construction works. Besides, the cost of essentials in recent months has
recorded the highest in the area, making life very difficult.  There were
no jobs available, too, he added.  When asked about the actual number of
Rohingya Muslims presently staying in Bangladesh he said he did not know,
but in Cox's Bazaar upazila alone, the number of illegal Rohingyas would
be about nine or ten thousand he said.
"The Burmese junta imposed travel restrictions on the movements of the
Muslim Rohingyas also make our life miserable as we cannot even move from
one village to another without the permission of the local junta
officials.  That does not come without a large bribe," he said,   "Our
wedding also needs permission from the junta to take place.  In the coming
Eid-ul-fitr, the greatest of Muslim festivals, we will have difficult
times observing it as most of the Muslim population is hard-up due to all
the restrictions."
Meanwhile, the unscrupulous businessmen in the district have been engaged
in producing semai (a kind of vermicelli), the popular sweet used during
the Muslim festival of Eid celebrated at the end of the month-long Ramadan
fasting using palm stearin, in frying the product, which have been
smuggled into Burma.  Palm stearin is used in soap-making but in this case
it is used in making artificial ghee (as the real clarified butter is
costly) that is used in frying the vermicelli before smuggling it to
Burma, according to a local newspaper report here.  The article demanded
that at least one hundred tons of semai will make its way into Burma
before the Eid, posing a health threat to thousands of Muslims there.
________

Agence France-Presse December 5 2002

Earthquake shakes Myanmar, no casualties reported

Myanmar was jolted by a moderate earthquake measuring 5.1 on the Richter
scale, the nation's seismological observatory said Thursday, but there
were no immediate reports of casualties or damage.

The observatory said the quake struck around 186 miles (300 kilometres)
northwest of the capital Yangon at approximately 6:00 pm (1130 GMT)
Wednesday, in a hilly and sparsely populated region.

The Hong Kong Observatory reported on Wednesday that the quake measured
5.9 on the Richter scale.
_______

Agence France-Presse December 5 2002

Myanmar's Ne Win cremated hours after death

Former Myanmar dictator Ne Win was cremated Thursday in a simple ceremony
held hours after his death at the age of 92, witnesses at the cemetary
said.

Family sources said Ne Win died at 7.30am (0100 GMT) Thursday after years
of ill health. His body was taken to Ye Way cemetary by his wife Ny Ny
Myint and a simple Buddhist funeral rite was held in the early afternoon,
eyewitnesses said.

Observers in Yangon said the ruling junta, which put Ne Win under house
arrest in March after arresting four of his relatives for plotting a
military coup, would be keen to ensure that the funeral was swift and
low-key.

However, as a former head of state he is entitled to a state funeral and
it is possible that a memorial service could be held at a later date.

Ne Win's favoured daughter Sandar Win, a medical doctor and businesswoman
who was put under house arrest along with her father, attended Thursday's
service.

Several generals were also in attendance, dressed in civilian clothes.
However, none of the leading members of the ruling State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC) were at the ceremony.
______

Chinland Guardian November 16 2002

Meeting with General Aung Than Lay of Kareni National Progressive Party 
(KNPP)

Chinland Guardian: 	General, thank you for sparing us some of your time.
Gen. Aung Than Lay: 		You are very welcome.

Chinland Guardian: 	Would you please give us a brief account of your
revolutionary
history? When did you join Kareni National Peoples Party (KNPP)?

Gen. Aung Than Lay:	I joined the Kareni resistance movement in
October 1948, shortly after the invasion of Kareni State by the soldiers
of the Anti
Fascist Freedom League (AFPL) on 9 August 1948. I joined the KNPP in 1966 as
an ordinary member and also as a normal warrior when I first joined
resistance
movement. In 1966, while serving in the Kareni resistance movements as
in-charge
of a squadron, I was also elected a member of the Central Committee. Later in
1976 I was appointed the military Commander-in-Chief of the Kareni Army (KA)
which I stayed until 1977. In 1977, I was elected Vice-Chairman of the KA,
and I
have continuously held this position to this date while currently I also
hold the
position of the Prime Minister in the Kareni government.

Chinland Guardian:	We have learned that an agreement between the KNPP and
the SPDC failed recently after a ceasefire agreement had been entered
into. Could
you tell us more about this?

Gen. Aung Than Lay:	Certainly. There was no signed agreement
between the SPDC and the KNPP. Any agreement there was was at the level of
a gentlemen's agreement, requiring the parties not to disturb each other's
internal
affairs.  However, when the SPDC decided to start seizing Kareni stations and
thereby reneged on this agreement a clash between the parties ensued which
endures to this day.

Chinland Guardian:	We have heard that the KNPP has dissociated itself from
the National Democratic Front (NDF). Could you please tell us why this
development came about and whether you have any interest in rejoining the
NDF?
 Gen. Aung Than Lay: 	Yes, I think it would be best to explain first the
reason
why we joined the NDF before telling you why we withdrew our membership
from NDF.
KNPP is not a founding member of the NDF. It became a member later. The
reason for
associating with the NDF was on the basis of its constitution which read
that a party could
join and quit from the NDF with independent freedom. As we liked this
article of their
constitution, we were willing to be associated NDF.
 However in 1988, since the NDF failed to stand on its constitution and
became a member of
Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB), the KNPP split from the NDF. This is
the root cause
for the KNPP quitting our membership of the NDF. The question of whether
or not we are
interested in rejoining the NDF lies on how much its constitution would be
made
amendable. I have seen no way for the KNPP to again become a part of the
NDF if the
present constitution remains.

Chinland Guardian:	In the present political scenario in Burma, as you are
aware,
the term 'tripartite dialogue' enjoys great popularity. What is your view
on it?
 Gen. Aung Than Lay:	Well, I would like to explain the Karenis'
viewpoint with regard to this very popular term, "tripartite dialogue", at
this
juncture. As we explicitly underlined in our statement No.1 of 2000, the
oppressed
nationalities would form one force which would be involved in this
historic political
dialogue. In addition to taking this position, we have a strong
inclination to work
towards the coming into existence of this coalition.
 Chinland Guardian:	We have learnt that the KNPP participated in the 5th  
 Congress
of  NDF as a special invitee. Did the KNPP have a chance to present
suggestions or
proposal with regards to its position on some key issues?

Gen. Aung Than Lay:	The Kareni government has submitted its proposal in the
course of the fifth general conference of the NDF. The suggestion is to
reform the NDF
based on nation-states, not on political parties which is the currenty
practice.

Chinland Guardian:	Do you have any other thing that you would like to say?
 Gen. Aung Than Lay:	Yes, I would like to address the issue of child
soldiers, which so many people talk about today. There are two reasons for
this
phenomenon. Firstly, today's battles being fought by the oppressed are all
about
national liberation. There is no neutral position. Secondly, today the
order and
policy of the SPDC under which military operations are launched is to set all
houses on fire, to demolish all foodstuffs and to annihilate even human
beings.
 Because of this brutal policy came carried out by the SPDC, even elderly
men and
teenagers rise up in defense of themselves.

( Note: This interview was conducted by Salai Bawi Lian Mang at Camp
Lawkhila during the 5th National Democratic Front NDF congress and
translated by Salai Za Ceu Lian from original Burmese version)
_________

REGIONAL

Xinhua News Agency December 5 2002

Chinese military leader meets Myanmar guests

China has kept developing friendly cooperative relations with Myanmar and
its armed forces, said Cao Gangchuan, vice-chairman of the Central
Military Commission of the Communist Party of China here Thursday.

Cao made the remark in a meeting with Thura Shwe Mann, Chief of Staff of
Army of Myanmar, and his delegation. As friendly neighbors, the two
peoples have a long "paukphaw" ( fraternal) friendship, Cao said, noting
the two countries have supported and helped each other since the
establishment of diplomatic relations more than 50 years ago.

Together with Myanmar, the Chinese people and armed forces are willing to
implement the consensus reached by leaders of the two countries and make
constant efforts towards long-term stable relations, he said.

Cao spoke highly of Myanmar's adherence to the "one-China" policy, and
briefed the guests on China's stance on international and domestic
affairs.

Thura Shwe Mann hailed relations between the two countries and their armed
forces, and extended congratulations on the success of the 16th National
Congress of the Communist Party of China.

The friendship between the two countries and two armed forces not only
serves the fundamental interests of the two peoples, but is conducive to
regional and world peace and stability, he said.

He expressed his confidence that through efforts from both sides, the
existing friendly relations of cooperation will be further promoted.
_______

The Nation December 5 2002

MIGRANT WORKERS: New employment rules on the way
By Piyanart Srivalo

The government is planning to map out new measures for the employment of
alien workers after finding the existing foreign manpower policies
ineffective, Deputy Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh said yesterday.

"We have to admit that we need a new system to deal with alien workers
because the existing one is inefficient," he said.

Chavalit was speaking to reporters before attending a National Security
Council meeting. New measures are being drafted to ensure that accurate
records of migrant workers from neighbouring countries, especially Burma,
are kept.

Other draft provisions include strict controls on employment quotas and
tracking the whereabouts of alien workers.

The deputy prime minister warned that a lapse in the enforcement of alien
labour laws could lead to the "ruin of Thai society".

He said the government might emulate the Malaysian model in handling alien
workers.

"The government needs to toughen its stance and find a lasting solution to
problems relating to the employment of foreign workers," he said. "The
government will no longer allow the matter to linger unresolved."

Labour Minister Suwat Liptapanlop expressed concern that alien workers
from neighbouring countries would increasingly displace Thais because of
the failure to stem their influx into the country.

Suwat said the relevant authorities had agreed to crack down on the
employment and harbouring of illegal alien workers.

Border checks will be toughened in order to keep out migrant workers from
neighbouring countries and detention facilities built for illegal alien
workers awaiting repatriation, he said.

About 1 million migrant workers from Laos, Cambodia and Burma are
estimated to be illegally employed in Thailand and will be sent back to
their homeland upon discovery, the minister said.

Speaking after attending the NSC meeting, Deputy Prime Minister Korn
Dabaransri said he was in charge of suppressing illegal alien workers.

In his capacity as chairman of the Committee for Illegal Alien Workers
Management, Korn said new toughened measures on alien workers would be in
place by next year.

The number of foreign workers allowed in Thailand will be capped at the
300,000 registered with the Labour Ministry as of this year.

The Foreign Ministry has been assigned to speed up negotiations with Burma
regarding the orderly repatriation of Burmese migrant workers.
_________

EDITORIAL/OTHER

Washington Times December 5 2002

Burma defends its drug record

Narcotics are a scourge for all mankind, and to eliminate illicit drug
production and trafficking is a responsibility all countries share. It is,
therefore, beyond comprehension why Monday's editorial "A blunder on
Burma" attempts to belittle Burma's efforts in the fight against narcotics
and the successes the country has attained. No one can deny that, relying
only on their own resources, the government and people of Burma have
achieved much in this area. Neither intimidation nor accusations will
deter us from further taking on this national cause. Because fighting
narcotics is totally humanitarian, it should not be politicized in any
way.

WUNNA HEN
Information officer
Embassy of the Union of Myanmar
Washington
__

Burma Refugee Relief Coalition December 5, 2002

Wisconsin Students Demand Action on Alumnus Imprisoned in Burma

Dr. Salai Tun Than, Class of ’59, Arrested for Heroic Stand Against Junta

(MILWAUKEE and MADISON) - University of Wisconsin students, led by the
student organization Burma Refugee Relief Coalition, have collected over 200
petition signatures calling on the UW System to divest of companies with
ties to the Southeast Asian country of Burma. The group is calling for the
divestment in part to support Dr. Salai Tun Than, a UW alum imprisoned by
Burma’s military junta late last year.

Dr. Tun Than was arrested in Burma in November, 2001 for conducting a solo
protest in front of city hall in the capital city of Rangoon, an historic
site for resistance to the military junta.  His protest consisted of donning
an academic gown and reading a speech in which he called for freedom,
recognition of the “inalienable” right of the Burmese people, and an end to
forty years of dictatorship.

Knowing many others have been arrested, tortured, and even killed for
similar protests, Dr. Tun Than said, “Many… university students have already
been killed. It is about time that you kill an old professor.”  Reminiscent
of U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt’s famous words during World War II, he
went on to say that “it is better to die than live under the military
regime.”  He was promptly arrested and sentenced to seven years in prison
under the draconian Emergency Provisions Act.

Human Rights Watch, the Asian Human Rights Commission, Christian Solidarity
Worldwide, and the American Association for the Advancement of Science have
all condemned his imprisonment, and Amnesty International has named him a
prisoner of conscience.

Dr. Tun Than earned his PhD in agronomy from the University of Wisconsin
from 1955-1959, and went on to become the rector of one of Burma’s major
agricultural institutions.

“The University system has a moral obligation to stop investing in companies
that support Dr. Tun Than’s captors,” says Kim Jacobson, President of the
Burma Refugee Relief Coalition at UW-Milwaukee.  “He risked his life for
values that are taught at this University and our country was founded on.
This is what he would want.”

Burma’s pariah dictatorship rules the country with an iron fist.  The U.S.
State Department, United Nations, and International Labor Organization have
documented ongoing and systematic human rights abuses committed by the
junta, including widespread rape, torture, arbitrary imprisonment, slavery,
and extra-judicial killing.  The country’s struggle for freedom is led by
1991 Nobel Peace Prize recipient Aung San Suu Kyi, but over 1,300 political
prisoners remain behind bars, including women, students, elected members of
parliament, and the infirm.

Suu Kyi has called on the international community to refuse to do business
with the military junta until it yields to democracy, and many companies and
schools around the country have responded.  Over 70 companies have cut ties
to Burma in recent years, including PepsiCo, Kohl’s, Federated Department
Stores, Wal-Mart, and Burlington Coat Factory.

Last spring, the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Student Association
passed a resolution requesting that the Regents divest from all companies
who are operating in or sourcing from Burma.  To date, the regents have not
responded to news of Dr. Tun Than’s imprisonment.

In contrast, when Ngawang Choephel, a Tibetan music scholar studying and
teaching at Middlebury College in Vermont was arrested by Chinese
authorities in 1995, students, faculty members, and members of the
administration immediately teamed up with U.S. Senators Jim Jeffords and
Patrick Leahy in a five year campaign to pressure Chinese authorities for
his release.  Middlebury eventually awarded Choephel an honorary doctoral
degree.  At the University of Virginia, when students and faculty learned of
the school’s investment in Unocal oil company, the largest U.S. investor in
Burma, UVA divested 50,000 shares.

The Coalition plans to deliver the petition signatures to the regents next
week.