From editor@burmanet.org  Mon Dec  9 20:57:58 2002
From: editor@burmanet.org (editor@burmanet.org)
Date: Mon, 9 Dec 2002 15:57:58 -0500 (EST)
Subject: BurmaNet News: December 7-9 2002
Message-ID: <40799.207.10.94.131.1039467478.squirrel@webmail.pair.com>

December 7-9 2002 Issue #2136

STATEMENTS/OTHER

U.S. State Dept: Investigation of Burmese Military Rape of Ethnic Women
Trip Report
NCGUB: Junta yet to release declared number of political prisoners

INSIDE BURMA

DVB: Reactions on U Ne Win’s death
DVB: The Man with golden [hat]-latest
AFP: Myanmar rebel alliance plans expansion to improve military capability

GUNS

Kao Wao: Buddhist monks used as human shields during offensive

DRUGS

Bangkok Post: Burma ‘makes drugs in own camps’
Bangkok Post: Burmese Wa Army the culprits
AP: Myanmar denies drugs made in army camps
Xinhua: Thai military blames Myanmar ethnic group for drug epidemic

REGIONAL

Xinhua: ASEAN statistical meeting opens in Myanmar

STATEMENTS/OTHER

U.S. Department of State August 1-4 2002

Investigation of Burmese Military Rape of Ethnic Women
Trip Report August 1-4 2002
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, U.S. Department of State

Executive Summary

The Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor (DRL) sent a
representative to the Thai-Burma border to investigate allegations of the
systematic rape of ethnic women and girls by the Burmese military. 
Disturbing reports of sexual violence by Burmese military forces, the
Tatmadaw, against ethnic minority women have been coming out of Burma for
years.  International awareness of this horrific practice was recently
heightened with te publication of a report titled “License to Rape”
compiled by Shan Human Rights Foundation (SHRF) and the Shan Women’s
Action Network (SWAN) in May 2002.  Similar to other reports before it,
“License to Rape” concludes that the brutal use of sexual violence as a
weapon of war is widespread and systematic.  We were able to locate many
victims and record chilling new stories of rape and other atrocities in
just three days on the border.

Of the 12 rape victims we met, all had been gang-raped by Burmese soldiers
sometime over the past 5 years.  Most knew several other women or girls
who also had been raped and or killed.  The most recent rape victim
interviewed was a 13 year-old girl who was raped in June 2002.  All of the
young victims under 15 were clearly disturbed mentally and spoke in
whispers if at all.  The older women sobbed violently as they recalled
horrific incidents of their own rapes as well as brutal rapes, torture and
execution of family members.  Most of these women have just recently
arrived in Thailand and were thin, ill, lethargic, despondent and had no
belongings or hope for the future.  These first-hand accounts corroborate
allegations made in several NGO reports that rape and other forms of
sexual violence by the Burmese military against civilian women has been
and continues to be widespread in ethnic regions.  The international
community cannot stand by and allow these heinous crimes by the Tatmadaw
to continue with impunity.  We should continue tot pressure the regime to
end this violence and punch the perpetrators.  We should also respond to
the urgent need for counseling and material assistance to rape victims to
help them rebuild their lives.

This trip report documents and summarizes several new incidents of rape by
Burmese soldiers, assesses the credibility and methods of the most recent
NGO report on this issue, and recommends USG action.  The ongoing
atrocities in ethnic regions demand that the USG remain firm [in] its
stance against the brutality and human rights abuses of the Burmese regime
and continue to play a lead role in garnering international community
support to address the issue.  We should also continue to press for a fill
investigation of these allegations with participation of independent
international human rights monitors.  We should expand humanitarian
assistance and programs for counseling services, safe-houses, and
healthcare provision linked to regional HIV/AIDS initiatives should target
victims.  We should also encourage Thailand to maintain its protection of
refugees on the border and expand that protection to vulnerable groups
like the Shan that currently have no access to refugee camps.

Introduction-Trip Description

This preliminary investigation into rape allegations against the Burmese
military took place from August 1-3 2002 in three separate districts on
the Thai-Burma border; Pail District, Fang District and Wieng Haeng
District, all in Chiang Mai Province.  DRL officer Jean Geran conducted
all the interviews with the help of an experienced Shan interpreter
associated with SWAN.  On the first two days a political officer from the
U.S. Consulate in Chiang Mai, Ruth Bennett, participated as well.  The
first day of interviews in Pai District we met with a group of 12 women
newly arrived from Shan State, 10 of whom were rape victims.  The second
day in Fang, we met with one of the women whose case is documented in the
recent NGO report, License to Rape, as well as Nang Mo Hom, who compiled
most of the SHRF cases from monthly reports and conducted new interviews
for the License to Rape report.  With her we were able to discuss the
methodology used to compile that report.  That day, we also met another
rape victim whose story had not been recorded before.  The third day we
spent in Wieng Haeng meeting with some of the trip allowed us to draw
conclusions about he allegations of rape through first hand accounts from
rape victims, verify the stories contained in the latest NGO report on
this issue, and assess the methods used by SHRF/SWAN to compile their
report.  The meeting with other new arrivals helped us understand other
types of atrocities such as execution and forced labor ongoing in Shan
State and the challenges faced by Shan refugees in Thailand.

This trip report documents and summarizes several new incidents of rape by
Burmese soldiers, assesses the credibility and methods of the most recent
NGO report on this issue, and recommends USG action.  We recommend a
multi-faceted strategy to bring an end to the sexual violence pervasive in
the ethnic regions of Burma and to assist the victims to recover and
improve their lives.

Interviews with Victims

On August 1 2002 we met with a group of 12 women newly arrived from Shan
State, all of the whom had compelling and chilling stories of abuse,
oppression and injustice at the hands of the Burmese military.  Ten out of
the 12 women and girls had been raped, all by more than one soldier, and
several had additional stories of brutality, torture and execution of
other family members or friends.  The most recent rape incident among this
group, that of a 13 year-old girl, occurred in June 2002, just a month
before the group came to Thailand.  All these women came from the same
general area in Central Shan State and their villages had been relocated
in 1996-97.  The various incidents of rape happened over the course of the
5 years during which the women were displaced and forced to move around to
survive.  Below are excerpts from some of the interviews.

Ba Yawt (not her real name) had been forcibly relocated with her family
from her home in Central Shan State in 1997.  Forced to move around in
small groups, trying to survive by planting rice in temporary settlements,
their lives were already difficult.  Three years ago, however, her life
was completely shattered.  She was walking with her daughter and younger
sister, both about 20 years old, to harvest rice when they were surrounded
by 30-40 soldiers.  One of the soldiers had more “things” on the shoulder
and chest of his uniform and was talking on “some kind of machine.”  The
soldiers dragged the younger girls away and put plastic around their heads
so that all Ba Yawt could hear were their muffled screams.  When she tried
to look where the soldiers were taking them they hit her and one cut her
with his bayonet leaving a scar on her hand.  They blindfolded and raped
her.  She does not know how many raped her but does know that it was
several.

She returned to her settlement and the villagers heard shots that day. 
They were too afraid to go look for the other girls until after the
soldiers left the area a few days later.  They found the dead body of her
younger sister first, face down and still grasping bushes.  Her sarong was
on her loosely and when they turned her over they saw that her face was
bloody and beaten with maggots already present.  She had been shot in the
neck and back.  When they found her daughter’s body there was no blood but
her sarong was around her waist and her body bruised all over.  The
plastic was still around her head.  Ba Yawt’s other teenage daughter was
with them when they found the bodies and fled to Thailand shortly after in
fear.  The villagers found another man that day who also had been beaten
and shot.  Ba Yawt has been alone ever since the incident and is always
afraid.  She says her mind wanders all the time now.  She and her sister
sat with us and sobbed violently while showing us photos of Yawt’s
daughter and grandson (also dead now), their younger sister who died in
the incident, Yawt’s daughter that fled, and 3 other young girls from
their village who also had been raped by Burmese soldiers in another
incident.

Nang Tip thinks she is 19 years old but is not sure because her parents
died when she was young and she is an orphan.  She was about 14 and was
living with four other orphans in a small hut when the Burmese soldiers
came.  It was August or September and four of the soldiers dragged her out
of their hut and into the buses where they took turns raping her.  They
hit her on the head several times so she was dizzy and faded in and out of
consciousness.  When she finally woke up the next day she had pain all
over, could barely move and was wet with the soldiers’ fluids.  She
wandered in the forest for months afterwards and never saw the other four
teenagers again.  Nang Tip says she has been weak and ill for five years
since the incident and indeed her appearance confirms this fact.  She is
extremely thin and must shift around often due to the pain in her back.

Nang Oun, 17 years old, could not speak louder than a whisper and had
difficulty telling us about the day in June 2002 that she was raped by
three soldiers.  She was on ther way to fetch water when she was
surrounded by the Burmese soldiers.  Three of them slapped and beat her
while taking turns raping her.  She traveled to Thailand with her Aunt, Ba
Law, who says that the girl has barely spoken since the incident.  In
fact, all the young victims we met were clearly traumatized and mentally
disturbed.  Two of them gazed around aimlessly and smiled off and on
without speaking at all.

Separately from the first group of 12 we met another strong young woman
who had been in Thailand for over a year and told us her story of being
raped by 3 Burmese soldiers in May 2000.  She was from a different part of
Central Shan State than the other women but also had been relocated by the
Tatmadaw to Khun Hin about six years ago (1996).  Through her tears, she
expressed feelings of shame to tell us the story, but she poke with
confidence about what she could and could not remember.  She confidently
told us which battalion, #246, forced her village to relocate and killed
her husband along with 10 other men.  She did no know, however, who the
soldiers were that raped her about 3 years later.  Even in Thailand life
remains difficult.  After being picked up as an illegal migrant, she spent
time in Thai jail until her employer paid a find of 3,200 Bt. To have her
released.  She only recently paid off that debt to her employer and now
her new husband is sick in the hospital.

Though none of these cases was included in any NGO report, all the stories
resemble those documented in the various NGO reports on this issue and
generally support the allegations of widespread sexual violence against
ethnic women by the Tatmadaw.  There is no doubt whatsoever that these
women were speaking the truth.  Indeed their ability to speak the truth
about their loss and suffering was the one thing the Burmese military had
not taken from them.  They had arrived in Thailand with only the tattered
clothes on their backs, no other belongings and no hope for the future. 
However, these interviews also illustrated the difficulty of obtaining
specific details about dates, places and sequencing of incidents when
discussing such emotional issues with people whose lives have been
completely disrupted for several years.  Many of the victims had several
stories of death and loss and would speak in general terms about “so much
death.”

The ability of women to remember and tell these details seemed to depend
on both their personality and current circumstances.  It was especially
difficult to get timing and sequence from these interviews.  Lives of the
victims had usually been completely disrupted before the incident occurred
and most incidents happened while victims were on the move around Shan
State after being “relocated.”  They made less reference to a set calendar
than would a normal villager.  It is typically difficult to get exact
dates from villagers that do not watch a clock or schedule, but one
usually can get close to exact dates by using the agricultural
(planting/harvesting) calendar and festival calendar.  But in these cases
that is even difficult.  Place names also present a challenge because the
original villagers of the victims no longer exist due to the forced
relocation, and their mobile existence since then makes identifying exact
locations of the incidents difficult.  What the women all knew, however,
was the relocation site they lived near, including Mung Nai and Khun Hin.


License to Rape Assessment

A secondary goal of the trip was to make a general assessment of the
credibility of the recent NGO report, License to Rape. We met with one of
the women documented as an extended interview in this report, case #160.
Nang Hla was gang-raped last year by SPDC soldiers when she was 7 months
pregnant and 16 years old, the same day they beat her husband and took him
away. Responding to our questions and with no prompting about the existing
documentation, she told us her story in generally the same terms as those
recorded in the report. A few small details were different. For example,
she told us she gave birth to her child alone but told us this was after
her relatives had come and found her and they were just out gathering food
that day. The report says that her relatives came and found her after she
gave birth to the child.

The SHRF researcher who conducted the original interview with Nang Hla,
told us that at the time of the first interview just a couple months after
the incident, she was still very upset and ill and told the story in a
stream of consciousness sort of way. When she has recalled the story
several times since then, more details have become available and some have
changed slightly. It is difficult to determine which of the details are
accurate. Nang Hla's circumstances have also changed in the meantime and
she remarried just 6 months before our interview and the new husband and
family do not know about the rape. On this day of interviewing Nang Hla
told her story in a matter-of-fact and aloof way and was reluctant at
first to tell us about the rape itself. She said that she was beaten first
but eventually admitted to the rape. The last time she recalled the story
was with a reporter who quite aggressively asked questions of the people
around her and upset her. She is still quite young and has a tick with her
eye that blinks quickly off and on. She seemed afraid and indifferent at
the same time.

The organizations - SHRF and SWAN

The majority of the cases in the report were compiled from SHRF monthly
reports (about 140) and the rest were collected through longer interviews
with the rape victims themselves. These interviews were conducted by SWAN
members and members of other women's organizations (i.e. Lahu). All the
SWAN members I met with worked on a volunteer basis and were committed to
helping other Shan women. Indeed they had already helped the recent
arrivals with food, clothing and medications. SWAN as an organization does
not appear to have direct links to the armed Shan resistance. Though
individual members may have history with the resistance, the organization
was set up to bring Shan women together to help other Shan women on a full
range of women's issues including domestic violence, education, health,
etc. We found all the SWAN members we met, including the primary
researcher for License to Rape, to be committed to truthfully documenting
these women's stories and assisting them to recover.

SHRF has an admitted history with the Shan resistance (MTA) at the time of
its founding back in the early 90's. The organization claims, however,
that it broke off its ties with the Shan resistance soon after its founder
died and has been committed to documenting human rights abuses since then.
They have received funding and training from several credible NGOs which
has helped them improve the quality and credibility of their documentation
over the years. This evolution of the organization implies that the
accuracy of its reporting on rape cases in monthly reports, in the past
may have depended heavily on who did the interviews, with whom, and when.
However, a reputable NGO that funds the SHRF conducted a thorough
evaluation of the credibility of its recent work. This NGO is convinced of
SHRF's current political independence and objectivity in human rights
reporting. The director of the SHRF indicated that they have been
increasingly trying to verify all the information gathered by checking
with various sources.

The Methodology

The cases in the report that were compiled from SHRF's monthly reports
were collected by Shan human rights monitors who gathered the information
by talking to recent arrivals from Shan State. These same monitors, mostly
men, also work with other NGOs and have many responsibilities. They tended
to document these cases at the same time as documenting other types of
abuses and tracking the numbers of new arrivals from Shan State and
facilitating humanitarian assistance to them. These monitors sometimes
would rely on people inside Shan State who know military schedules to know
which troops are in which locations and when. Unfortunately, the
researcher who compiled the SHRF cases could not tell me the source of all
information contained in the cases. Therefore, it is not clear in each
case if the victim herself had been interviewed or her family or other
community members. The victim herself may indeed know the name or
battalion number of soldiers involved -- as one of our interviewees did --
especially if the incident took place in military camps or relocation
sites. However, it is more likely that other male family members or
community leaders would have that information and in the cases describing
complaints made to authorities, there was often a male family member or
leader involved. Several of the women we interviewed mentioned that they
noticed one or two soldiers who had extra "decorations" on the shoulder or
front of their uniforms and one of these had been talking on something
(like a walkie-talkie).

Verification

The biggest challenge to verifying the specific details of each case will
be locating the victims and other family members for interviews, because
they all continue to move due to their illegal status in Thailand. When
the primary researcher wanted to do return interviews of existing SHRF
cases in order to fund out what the effects of the rapes had been on the
victims and how they were managing currently she could only fund about 6
to do follow up interviews (our of approximately 140). She believes they
could probably track down many of them for a fuller investigation but it
would require significant time talking to people and going from place to
place to try to locate them. They plan to keep closer track of the victims
they interview in the future. SWAN also mentioned that though it is not
difficult to fund women who were raped it is often difficult for these
women to speak about it. They estimate that only 1 in 5 rape victims have
been willing to speak about what happened to them.

Recommendations

There are several courses of action the US government can pursue to
address this serious situation.

USG Diplomacy

Encourage a full investigation by the UNHCR and encourage relevant UN
Special Rapporteurs to get involved;
Continue to press the Thai government to allow UNHCR access to Shan from
Burma to determine who may qualify for refugee status and give
humanitarian organizations free access to this population to assist them;
Continue to pressure the Burmese regime to fully investigate the
allegations with participation from independent international observers
and punish those responsible;
Maintain strong language in the upcoming UNGA Third Committee resolution
on Burma that condemns the continuing serious human rights abuses in
ethnic areas; and
Recruit support from other concerned nations for all of the above
initiatives.

Investigation Strategies

Have a thorough knowledge of the relocation process that took place mostly
in 1996-1997, before interviewing victims to help with identifying
locations;
Use rapid appraisal techniques and tools in interviews to assist in
determining exact timing of the incidents. (i.e. Felt boards, beans,
pictures of different plant phases etc.) Photos of individuals involved in
the incidents helped tremendously by focusing the discussion on specific
events instead of jumping from one to another;
Speak to other family members if they already know what happened and are
generally supportive. If unsupportive then they may be detrimental; and
Take advantage of the fact that what seemed to motivate the women to speak
out was the fact that the SPDC had denied that this was happening -- that
this had happened to them. Though difficult for them, all of the women
wanted to tell their story.

Assistance Programs

Support women’s organizations like SWAN and give them appropriate training
and computer software to improve their documentation of human rights
abuses;
Open more safe houses in various border regions to expand the work of
SWAN’s safe house in Chiang Mai;
Link with regional HIV/AIDS programming to provide testing and healthcare
to Burmese migrants and refugee rape victims in particular; and
Consult with existing healthcare providers to refugees and migrants and
support the integration of rape counseling services for victims

Conclusion

The information we gathered during this initial investigation generally
corroborated the allegations contained in several NGO reports including
the recent report, “License to Rape.”  Our ability to locate and record
new stories of rape similar to those in NGO reports in such a short time
supports the allegations that rape and other forms of sexual violence by
the Burmese military against civilian women has been and continues to be
widespread in ethnic regions.  All the victims we spoke with were
especially vulnerable civilians.  The stories we heard also support the
assertion that officers at the least allow this to occur and at worst are
directly involved and promote the activity.  However, the level of
responsibility and knowledge of the abuses needs to be determined.  The
exact details of each case in the License to Rape report need to be
verified and checked and a full investigation will face large challenges
in locating and protecting the victims.  However, we must push to ensure
such an investigation by independent international monitors takes place. 
Perpetrators must be punished and this horrific violence against the most
vulnerable of innocent civilians ended.
________

National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma December 5 2002

Junta yet to release declared number of political prisoners

The recent release of "115" political prisoners by the State Peace and
Development Council (SPDC) of Burma was publicized with much fanfare.  The
event was described as "the biggest single release" which according to
SPDC spokesman Colonel Hla Min took place "because of steady progress in
national reconciliation."

The elaborate propaganda is actually contrary to the truth.  Only 51
political prisoners belonging to the National League for Democracy (NLD)
and eight others with other political affiliations have been released so
far.  U Lwin, spokesperson for the NLD in a radio interview on 26 November
said he had asked Colonel Hla Min about the "exact number" of released
political prisoners and was told, "We have only freed 60 of them and 55
others have yet to be released."  No one has been freed since that
interview.

U Ohn Myint, vice chairman of the NLD's Welfare Support Committee, also
told AFP "the release of some of the prisoners had been held up after they
refused to sign a document agreeing they would be further penalized if
they were sent back to jail."

The "document" or bond that political prisoners are made to sign before
their release concerns provisions of "Section 401 of the Criminal
Procedure Code" that in essence state a released political prisoner will
be made to serve the time that was remitted if he/she is rearrested for
engaging in political or other activity that the authorities deem to be
"anti-government" or "criminal" in nature.  It is outrageous that the
regime is treating prisoners of conscience as criminals and threatening
them with arrest if they get involved in politics again.  Political
prisoner releases in Burma are therefore not unconditional as demanded by
the international community, neither are they acts of benevolence nor can
they be taken as signs of improving political situation in the country.

But, as U Ohn Myint said of the released political prisoners, "What is so
laudable about all of them is their resolve to continue to be active NLD
members even after their traumatic experience."

The National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB) lauds the
courage of these true patriots who are determined to continue the struggle
for democracy and strongly condemns the generals in the SPDC who have yet
to show any sincerity in wanting to achieve national reconciliation in the
country.  The generals are urged to stop exploiting human misery for their
personal gains and immediately release all remaining 1,400 political
prisoners.

The NCGUB also calls on the international community to continue stepping
up the pressure until genuine political freedoms are restored in Burma and
to refrain from prematurely rewarding the generals who have until today
done nothing substantive but stage smoke and mirror shows to mislead the
world.
_________

INSIDE BURMA

Democratic Voice of Burma December 6 2002
Reactions on U Ne Win's death
It is reported that the cremated remain of U Ne Win was thrown into the
Rangoon River today by his daughter Sandar Win. The government media has
not mentioned his death except at the regular funeral notice page - saying
that 'U Ne Win, age 93 had passed away'. His funeral was attended by only
20 people. His son-in-law and three grandsons who are now imprisoned as
well as his son, Pho Wai Win and other relatives who live abroad were not
allowed to attend.
At the same time, Colonel Aung Gyi who was also involved in the 1962 coup
accused U Ne Win of treachery and rape of democracy.
Colonel Kyaw Zaw who was one of the 'Thirty Comrades' issued a four points
statement to the Burmese army. He urged the army to keep its original
aims; to protect the nation, to act according to the wish of the people,
not to interfere with the nation's politics and to work for the good of
the people. He also warned that the army could collapse if they break away
from these aims and the best option is to have a dialogue and work with
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and democratic forces. He also urged all patriotic
people and organisations to help the rebuilding the nation.
U Shwe Ohn who was one of the Shan signatories of the Pang Long Treaty
said that there must be a change soon. He also stressed that he is an
optimist. We all have to learn from the death of U Ne Win. He was a
powerful man but now he is treated like a nobody when he died. The present
rulers should learn from this episode that however you are powerful, one
day you have to die. I hope that it will make them think to reform one way
or another. U Shwe Ohn added that you can't hope changes to happen right
away. They will come eventually.
Thakhin Thein Pe said that the military intelligence personnel came to ask
him for advice. He told them that it is the best time for the present
rulers to learn from this episode of U Ne Win's death and reform.
Personally, he fells sad but politically we should learn from it, he
added. U Ne Win is a good example for the army to learn a lesson. The
present army leaders should learn from this episode of history. No
newspaper is writing about U Ne Win who used to be the most powerful man
in Burma. The people in Rangoon are just talking about his bad legacies.
The exiled opposition groups are assessing on what will happen after his
death. What kind of action will they take on Daw Khin Sandar Win, a
daughter of U Ne Win that is the most interesting question for them.
Although, her husband and three sons were sentenced to death by hanging
for treason, the SPDC said that Daw Sandar Win was kept to look after her
father U Ne Win. The oppositions are watching whether they will free her
or prosecute her.
_____

Democratic Voice of Burma December 6 2002

The Man With Golden-Latest

The following interview is with comedian U Par Par Lay who was involved in
the moulding of the golden khamauk (round bamboo hat), the symbol of NLD
and himself imprisoned for cracking jokes about the military regime in
Burma. The NLD member, Ko Shwe Maung who moulded the hat was sentenced to
three years in prison at Mandalay for his part. DVB talked to U Par Par
Lay about it.
DVB : What is your feeling about Ko Shwe Maung?
U Par Par Lay : We are very proud of him. He has the courage to act. He
knew that he would be arrested if he did that. The hat is the result of
1990 Election and it is the hat of truth. He did that with this intention
and cooperation with other people. He asked me to handover the hat to the
NLD myself. I said that I would do so. The MI came to see me even
yesterday. It doesn't belong to me and it's not with me, I said to them.
Ko Shwe Maung and Tun-tone's township youth moulded it. When is it going
to be delivered to the NLD, they asked. It will be delivered when he is
released, I said.
DVB : Ko Shwe Maung was sentenced with the charge of keeping stolen goods
but not with political charge. What is your feeling on that?
U Par Par Lay : It's plainly unfair. We fed the local with rice porridge
to mark the start of the moulding of the hat and when we finished the
moulding, we fed the local people. They could not find fault with that. So
they handcuffed a local girl and charged him with keeping stolen goods. He
was arrested with the political act 5J and he was sentenced with the
charge of keeping stolen goods, act 380/411 and imprisoned him with
political prisoners. They told him to give his consent and sign on a
document that says that he was arrested, charged and imprisoned for
keeping stolen goods. He refused. He still hasn't done it yet.
DVB : They also arrested you with 5J and imprisoned you in police cell. Ko
Shwe Maung is now being imprisoned with keeping stolen goods charge. Would
they keep him police detention centre?
U Par Par Lay : I have to ask him about that when I see him. As for me,
they imprisoned me with that act. He said that he doesn't care where he is
sent. He is very strong willed. At the moment the members of Mandalay
Division NLD are comforting him. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi herself after her
Shan State trip asked the local NLD members to form a committee to help
and look after the people of Tun-tone who were jailed for moulding the
hat. The youth from four townships have formed a commission and the social
welfare support group went to encourage and comfort him.
DVB : Your plan is to deliver the hat on the day after he is released. Do
you believe that people will be very supportive and behind you if you do
that?
U Par Par Lay : It is not our expectation or hope. The people from all the
divisions of Irrawaddy, Pegu, Magwe where the hat is going to stop on its
way to Rangoon themselves have declared that they will be welcoming it
with dancing and music and the like. So we are very encouraged by it. They
themselves have declared that they will welcome it with all their hearts.
What I have to say more is we will be visiting each town and we will be
cooking and eating own meals. We will march until we get to Rangoon. But
we haven't planned when we will be in Rangoon. We will be travelling with
leisure and freely to handover the hat.
DVB : What if they extend his sentence and keep him in prison longer?
U Par Par Lay : It's clear. He was imprisoned unfairly. It will be done
only when he is freed. Tell the people that it is not the desire of mine
but the desire of the people. We will be going freely with our own agenda
with people. Our own desire is the desire of the people. Speak what people
want and say the truth that is my motto. Our wish is also the result of
the 1990 Election. The reason of the moulding of the hat is to express the
wish of the people. It is not my own wish or desire. It is the desire all
human beings. I am doing the things and the agent of the people. The
things they day not say or do. Artists and writers have to stand for and
in front of the people. It is not good to shut the eyes, ears and mouths
of the people. We have to open their eyes, ears and mouths. So we can't
just be beside or behind them. We have to stand in front of them with
courage, belief and truth. We must have the courage to say the truth and
act for the truth. That is my desire. U Par Par Lay, please handover the
hat to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for us. We trust you. What you are doing is
right. They say to me like that and I accepted their request. We will give
the hat to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi when she is not busy and we will freely
give her the hat of the people.
________

Agence France-Presse December 8 2002

Myanmar rebel alliance plans expansion to improve military capability

 An alliance of the five major rebel ethnic armies fighting Myanmar's
ruling junta has invited other groups to join them to bolster future
military operations, a spokesman said Sunday.

The Military Alliance Group was set up in May 1999 by the Restoration
Council of Shan State (RCSS), the Karen National Union (KNU), Karenni
Peoples Progressive Party, Chin National Front and Arakan Liberation
Party.

The decision to expand the grouping was made at an annual meeting of
senior leaders held at a secret location inside Myanmar's eastern Shan
state, said Nam Khur Hsen of the Shan State Army which is represented by
the RCSS.

"The alliance has opened the door and will welcome any minority groups if
they wish to join," she told AFP. "We are working together closely... and
drawing up the alliance's military strategy".

Nam Khur Hsen, whose SSA is one of the strongest ethnic armies along with
the KNU, said it was vital that the rebel groups presented a united front
against the junta which they have battled for decades.

"Myanmar's military regime has used a 'divide-and-rule' policy on
minorities. They want to see that we are fighting each other," she said.

KNU joint secretary Mahn Nyein Maung, who also attended the meeting, said
that by expanding the alliance the rebel groups could mount coordinated
strikes against the regime.

"We would be able to organise major military operations from several
battle fronts," he said. "We are fighting a strong enemy, so it is better
to face the enemy as a group than alone."

Mahn Nyein Maung said that although some major ethnic armies had signed
ceasefire pacts with Yangon, there were more than 10 groups outside the
alliance who were still fighting the government.

During the alliance meeting, rebel leaders reviewed recent developments
and military activity in their regions and drew up future plans, Nam Khur
Hsen said.
_____

GUNS

Kao Wao December 3 2002

BUDDHIST MONKS USED AS HUMAN SHIELDS DURING OFFENSIVE
By Sem Ong/ Kao-Wao

Burmese Army Light Infantry Battalion No. 299 has
abducted Mon Buddhist monks, women and children in southern Ye township
and used them as human shields during a military operation against the Mon
armed group, the Hongsawatoi Restoration Party, starting in November,
local sources said.

According to victims from Mi Taw Hlar in Southern Ye township, the Burmese
army battalion deliberately aimed at monks, women and children during the
operation in the village. Some villagers were killed and injured by
rampant shooting that took place.

The Burmese troops made the monks march in front of them and mixed the
women and children among the troops when they launched their offensive
against the Mon guerrillas who had subjected their positions to a strong
attack.
Headmen reported that the homes of the villagers were looted by the
Burmese before they were forced to join the offensive against the Mon
rebel group.
On November 9, Major Myint Oo of LIB No. 272 entered Mi Taw Hlar, shooting
randomly throughout the village and killing one villager. Similarly, shots
fired by the Burmese Navy also killed one villager, Nai Lun Shein 40, of
Khaw Zar village at the same time. Three other villagers Ko Aung 42, Nai
Shwe Hman 70 and his 68 years old wife, were injured, a local villager
said.

The source added that Light Infantry Battalions Nos. 299, 343, 282 and 273
have been engaged for three months in a joint operation to wipe out the
Hongsawatoi Restoration Party which broke away from the New Mon State
Party about a year ago.

"They (SPDC soldiers) ordered a Buddhist monk to walk in front of the
column shouting loudly, We are civilians, don't shoot us," said Mi Nge, a
woman who escaped to the Thailand border. Even older people and children
as young as nine years had been forced to march as porters mingling with
the Burmese troop she added.
About 300 villagers were forced to accompany the Burmese troops, according
to another woman who did not want to identify herself.

Over 60 villagers were recruited to carry the supplies which the troops 
looted from the village after the fighting took place near Pauk Pin Kwin
village, said the women.
SPDC military Battalion No. 273 issued an order prohibiting local people
from going to their plantations or from fishing at sea for a three month
period.

Many have chosen to migrate to Thailand since they have been been
prevented from working outside their villages, said Mi Moe, a youth leader
from Wang Tmaw village in southern Ye township. She added that her village
depends on fishing to survive. She left her two children behind in the
village.
According to five villagers who recently fled from the Burmese Army 
operation, forced portering, looting, torture and extortion are very
common.
____

DRUGS

Bangkok Post December 8 2002

Burma `makes drugs in own camps'
By Wassana Nanuam and Achara Ashayagachat

Burmese military camps along the border are making drugs and earlier
estimates of a billion speed pills flooding into Thailand next year are
correct, deputy army commander Gen Wattanachai Chaimuenwong said
yesterday.

``I want the foreign ministry to negotiate with the Burmese military
government about what to do because the ya ba factories are in Burmese
military camps along the border.

``Burmese soldiers are selling ya ba. They are back to their old activity.
There are 30-50 drug factories along the border,'' he told a seminar at
Chulalongkorn University. Burma has always denied having anything to do
with illicit drugs production.

The outspoken deputy army chief said Burmese junta leaders became less
cooperative when it came to drug suppression.

``The drug problem in Burma is the Thai military's primary security
concern. Although Burmese leaders say they will cooperate, drug production
in fact is increasing,'' Gen Wattanachai said.

An earlier report that one billion methamphetamine pills would be smuggled
into Thailand from Burma next year was correct.

Burma disputed the estimate, first made by Maj-Gen Naris Srinet, the third
army region commander.

This prompted the army spokesman to come out and say that the figure was a
personal estimate and not that of the army or the defence ministry.

Gen Wattanachai admitted that Thai dealers accounted for half the drug
trafficking rings but said that the main producer was still the United Wa
State Army which runs the trade from the Burmese side of the border.

Gen Wattanachai denied Burma's allegations that Thailand provided support
to anti-Rangoon ethnic groups. Relations between Thailand and Burma had
been bad since ancient times.

``There is always mistrust between us. We can't communicate well even
these days.''

Unless Rangoon was prepared to work with Thailand in destroying drug
plants along the border, the problem would not get any better.

``At a policy level, both sides certainly agreed to do so, but at the
local level, a joint operation to dismantle labs along the border is still
needed,'' he said.

Only nine million tablets of ya ba had been seized in the year to
September, and another 300 kilogrammes of heroin, marijuana, and opium,
which was far from the real volume entering the country.

Pornpimol Trichote, a researcher with the Institute of Asian Studies, said
Burma had no control over those production areas, so any response would
take some time.

``Even in Thailand, it took more than three decades before we were able to
cut opium plantations,'' Ms Pornpimol said.

Chalida Tajaroensuk of the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development
said countries dealing with Burma should review their trade and investment
policies to make sure the benefits were not seized by the ruling junta.

``They have to make sure that the benefits of economic development reach
the people and do not empower the military junta, which internationally is
regarded as a despicable regime thanks to its high abuse of human
rights,'' she said.
_______

Bangkok Post December 9 2002

Burmese Wa Army the culprits
By Wassana Nanuam and Achara Ashayagachat

The United Wa State Army is the group producing drugs in military camps
along the border and is expanding production to the borders of other
neighbouring countries, Deputy Army Commander-in-Chief Watanachai
Chaimuanwong said yesterday.

Clarifying his statement of Saturday that drugs were being made in Burmese
military camps, Gen Watanachai said yesterday that he was referring to the
Wa. They had their own military camps and also served as soldiers in the
Burmese army.

I consider that Wa soldiers are Burmese soldiers,'' Gen Watanachai said.

The Burmese government gives the Wa self-rule and use the Wa as soldiers _
what we call Burmese soldiers of the Wa ethnic group. Nevertheless, they
are Burmese soldiers and I would not be wrong to say so.''

The deputy army chief also said army intelligence confirmed that the Wa
had expanded their drug operations to the borders of other neighbouring
countries, but declined to say which.

Army sources identified them as Laos and Cambodia. They said the Wa were
producing methamphetamines near the borders with Thailand. Some Lao and
Cambodian soldiers were involved.

The Associated Press yesterday reported that the Burmese junta denied
there were drug factories inside its army camps and that its anti-drug
officials were stunned by Gen Watanachai's comments, made at a
Chulalongkorn University seminar.

In a statement, the junta said that despite all these groundless
allegations thrown at Myanmar'', its officials hope to work together with
all the countries that have been affected by this scourge''.
_________

Associated Press December 9 2002

Myanmar denies drugs made in army camps

Myanmar denied yesterday that drug factories inside its army camps were
responsible for the spread of an illegal stimulant drug in Thai society.
Yangon said its narcotics officials were stunned by comments made by a
senior Thai military official that a billion methamphetamine pills, called
yaba in Thai, will be smuggled into Thailand from Myanmar next year.
The Bangkok Post quoted Thai Deputy Army Commander Wattanachai
Chaimuenwong as saying on Saturday that factories manufacturing the drug
were located in Myanmar military camps along the border.
'Myanmar soldiers are selling yaba,' he said. 'There are 30 to 50 drug
factories along the border.'
In a statement, the Myanmar government said despite 'all these groundless
allegations', its officials hope to 'work together with all the countries
that have been affected by this scourge'.
__________

Xinhua News Agency December 9 2002

Thai military blames Myanmar ethnic group for drug epidemic

The United Wa State Army (UWSA), an armed Myanmar ethnic minority group,
is producing illicit drugs in their camps along the Thai-Myanmar border,
the Thai military said.

According to local TV news reports here Monday, Thai Deputy Army
Commander-in-Chief Watanachai Chaimuanwong said that when he said earlier
that drugs were being made in Myanmar military camps, he was referring to
the UWSA, which has its own military camps but also serves for the Myanmar
government sometimes. "The Myanmar government gives the UWSA self-rule
status and uses Wa people as soldiers. Nevertheless, they are Myanmar
soldiers and I had not been wrong in my previous remarks," he said.

Watanachai also disclosed that Thai intelligence officers confirmed that
the UWSA has expanded its drug operations to other countries in the
region.

Local media reports said the Myanmar government has denied there are drug
factories inside its army camps as alleged by the Thai military and that
its anti-drug officials were stunned by Watanachai's comments.

It said in a statement that despite all these "groundless allegations
thrown at Myanmar," its officials hope to "work together with all the
countries that have been affected by this scourge."
_________

REGIONAL

Xinhua News Agency Decmeber 9 2002

ASEAN statistical meeting opens in Myanmar

The Fourth Meeting of Heads of Statistical Offices of the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) opened here Monday.

The meeting is aimed at exchanging experience and knowledge and
harmonizing ASEAN statistics. And the discussions will also cover the
requirements of the ASEAN nations.

The two-day meeting is attended by representatives from member states of
the grouping, United Nations agencies and Asian Development Bank.

The first ASEAN heads of statistical offices meeting was held in 1997, the
second in Indonesia in 1999 and the third in Malaysia in 2001.

The United Nations has provided 1.5 million US dollars for strengthening
the statistics of the 10 ASEAN nations from 2000 to 2002.

ASEAN groups Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the
Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.