From editor at burmanet.org Mon Dec 29 14:48:45 2003 From: editor at burmanet.org (editor@burmanet.org) Date: Tue Mar 9 07:32:50 2004 Subject: BurmaNet News: December 27-29, 2003 Message-ID: <1633.205.184.171.159.1072727325.squirrel@webmail.pair.com> December 27-29, 2003, Issue #2396 INSIDE BURMA Asian Tribune: Burma: The Junta's Another Round of Dirty Game ON THE BORDER SHAN: Junta employs scorched earth against Shan army DRUGS Bangkok Post: Rangoon asked to scrap relocation plan Bangkok Post: Wa keen on expanding scheme REGIONAL Narinjara: Forced Labour Continues in Arakan OPINION/OTHER The Nation: REGIONAL PERSPECTIVE: The Bangkok process: one hand clapping Mizzima: NATIONAL RECONCILIATION - the long and painful path Channel News Asia: Myanmar artist creates beautiful masterpieces from palm materials Asian Tribune: Burma needs a full time UN Envoy - Myint Thein INSIDE BURMA ___________________________________ Asian Tribune, December 29, 2003 Burma: The Junta's Another Round of Dirty Game By Zin Linn Burma's military junta lashed out at London based human rights watchdog Amnesty International for its recent negative assessment of conditions in the military-ruled country and criticized that Amnesty International instead ought to seek a common ground in improving human rights. Amnesty International ended on 19 December, a ''17-day Official Mission in Burma'', its second visit of the year, and issued a statement at a press conference held in Bangkok on 22 December, outlining a wide range of their serious concerns during the visit, and called on the Burmese military rulers to take urgent steps to improve the human rights situation, which has deteriorated significantly including an upsurge in detention of political prisoners since the violent Black Friday attack on democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and on the other important leaders of the National League for Democracy (NLD). The Burmese military regime said in its statement faxed to the media, that it regretted about the recent negative statement issued by the Amnesty International, which was aimed at the regime and to discourage the ongoing political process in the country. It also said that Amnesty International's criticism of the democracy situation in the country comes at the time, when many nations around the world including the Secretary-General of the United Nations hailed the junta's efforts of the 7-steps national reconciliation. ?The authorities have told us to be patient, and that change may come soon. But these assurances ring hollow in the face of continuing repression. We will judge progress on human rights in Myanmar by concrete improvements on the ground. Fine word, and vague promises for the future without any timetable for change carry little weight.? Amnesty International said. The two-member team, which spent 17 days in the country, was not allowed to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains under house arrest. "We are waiting for action to match those fine words," said Catherine Baber, Deputy Program Director of Amnesty's Asia-Pacific region. According to the AI mission, the team obtained clarification about the legal status of named individuals detained on or after the 30 May. The SPDC acknowledged the continued detention of 23 people (not including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi) arrested on that day and the detention or imprisonment of 52 persons arrested and detained after 30 May. But the regime failed to give the actual number of the total detainees who were arrested during the Dapeyin premeditated ambush. According to some reliable sources, the SPDC's number of detainees on and after May 30 was in conflict with the figures arrived by the local analysts. Number of detainees in Dapeyin ambush is 118 according the names of those arrested. After the ambush there was a manhunt and it was learnt that a total of 197 people were detained. Although it was an imperfect detainee-list, there was a serious difference in numbers, but so far not acknowledge by the SPDC of the actual number of people being detained. Up to the date, altogether nearly a hundred people from the Dapeyin attack were released. That means the real number in prison is still 210, who were arrested consequent of the Dapeyin incident, local analysts reveals. According to a news source in Rangoon, it is reliably learnt that there are around 1560 political prisoners languishing in Burma's 39 prisons. Burmese opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi had already said that there was no sign in the form of any evidence to believe that the military junta was interested in any democratic reforms. In her strongest criticism on the junta since her earlier release from house arrest on 6 May in 2002, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate said officials had harassed her repeatedly on her visits to supporters in states and divisions of the country. ''They don't want change, but change is inevitable,'' Daw Aung San Suu Kyi pointed out during a press conference earlier held at the headquarters of her National League for Democracy (NLD). ''If the SPDC is truly interested in the welfare of this country, they should cooperate with the NLD. I'd like to ask why the SPDC doesn't contact the NLD,'' earlier it was reported the Nobel laureate chided the SPDC?s stance. In the past 14 years since the democracy uprising in 1988, little progress has been made in the areas of democracy and human rights in Burma. The U.N. Special Rapporteur Prof. Paulo Sergio Pinheiro also criticized Burma's political reforms were going simply too slowly. He also made a strong suggestion to speed up change; and insisted that all political prisoners must be freed. "I think there is no excuse to delay the unconditional and immediate release of political prisoners. It's very difficult to have a political dialogue - national reconciliation - with hundreds of political prisoners behind bars. It's necessary that the government take some bold steps to release these prisoners," Mr. Pinheiro spoke to journalists in Bangkok on 26 March 2003 after his visit to Burma. Currently, the SPDC turned a deaf ear to the issues of political prisoners and a political dialogue with the oppositions as well. In various prisons, there's a lot of evidence that, political prisoners are tortured worse, more than criminal offenders. For instance, they appear to be often deliberately sent to remote prisons that make family visits very difficult or impossible. On the contrary, sending to remote areas affects prisoners' conditions severely for they depend on family support to sustain themselves in prison. It is appalling news to learn that so far more than one hundred political prisoners passed away in the junta's jail. In such a desperate situation it is learnt Amnesty International a human rights advocacy group, urged the Burmese authorities to release all prisoners of conscience immediately and unconditionally. And also it was urged to stop the use of repressive legislation to criminalize freedom of expression and peaceful association in the country. At a 12-nation meeting held in Bangkok on 15 December 2003, the junta's Foreign Minister Win Aung promised his regime would hold a national convention to write a new constitution in 2004, as the first step in a seven-point democracy "road map". But, Burmese people are used to the military regime playing political chicanery and never keep its words. Without knowing the junta's wickedness, some leaders of the neighboring countries guarantee on behalf of the Burmese generals that they are sincerely heading for democratic reforms. But it's a politic of duplicity. Unfortunately Burmese are enslaved over forty long torturous years under the military. Actually, there could be no genuine democratization process and national reconciliation in Burma while the military junta is stubbornly keeping political prisoners locked up in the notorious prisons, and the Nobel Laureate locked up in her own house thus suppressing and denying the basic freedom and human rights in the country. Burmese the aggrieved people want freedom from the clutches of the Burmese generals and we have heard lot of speeches and appeasement words. We urge the World to come forward to match its words with deeds. ON THE BORDER ___________________________________ SHAN: December 26, 2003 Junta employs scorched earth against Shan army The local people in two eastern townships: Monghpyak and Tachilek, are being made to pay for the presence of Col Yawdserk's Shan State Army troops in the area, according to sources from the border. Soon after hostilities broke out between the two sides on 20 November, local army units were dispatched to each village to be billeted with the village temple. Each village also had to be responsible for the troops' provisions. (Curfew in Tachilek, S.H.A.N., 7 December) On 14 December, Light Infantry Battalion 316 of Talerh, 48 km northeast of Tachilek, issued order to each surrounding village tract to arrange for its provisions. "The village headmen complained it would be extremely difficult for them to track down the battalion's movements so they could prepare their food in time," said a trader from the area. "They therefore issued a new order that each household contribute 2,000 kyat (80 baht) to their daily allowances." Reports of confiscation of villagers' possessions are also received. "On 21 November, Pabong and Markyang in Fangmin tract (Tachilek township) were raided," reported a villager. "The excuse was they were looking for hidden weapons. But they took everything valuable they came across. I myself lost 700,000 kyat although no weapon was found." "They might put it down as confiscation," he retorted hotly to S.H.A.N.'s question." But everybody knows it's down-and-out robbery." The Burmese troops also destroyed paddy found outside the village limits. "On 26 November, a patrol from Light Infantry Battalion 316 found us preparing to transport our harvested paddy back to our village," said a villager from Fwehai, West Monglane tract, Tachilek township. "They accused us of planning to send the paddy to the SSA and burned everything down including the farm huts in the field." Fighting though sporadic is still being reported as the Army launched a search-and-destroy operation: On 18 December, a joint patrol of Hawngleuk-based LIB 359 and Jakuni militia ran into an ambush near Wanmai Akha in Monghai tract, Monghpyak township, 83 km north of Tachilek. The 10-minute clash left 6 dead on the Burmese side, according to a militia source. So far, on the SSA side, there were at least 2 dead and 6 captured, they said. "They took pictures of the 6 fighters and distributed leaflets both in Shan and Burmese, exhorting the SSA to surrender," said a source from Mongkoe tract. DRUGS ___________________________________ Bangkok Post, December 29, 2003 Rangoon asked to scrap relocation plan By Wassana Nanuam Authorities are worried that moving northern Wa people southwards close to the Thai border will affect Thailand's anti-drug campaign. The United Wa State Army (UWSA) plans to move about 100,000 Wa people from the Northern Wa Region close to China to the Southern Wa Region near the border next year. Since 1998, 80,000 people have been moved in this way. Thai authorities are concerned the new arrivals will revive Wa drug drug production which they are trying to replace with agriculture. M.R. Disnadda Diskul, director of the royally initiated Doi Tung Development Project, said he had asked Burma to scrap the plan and proposed development schemes for northern Wa people right in their neighbourhoods. ``I have told (UWSA chairman) Pao Yu Chang and (Burmese Prime Minister) Gen Khin Nyunt that relocating 100,000 Wa people would not be appreciated. We are introducing a crop substitution scheme there. I will introduce Doi Tung development projects to northern Wa,'' he said. He promised to launch development projects for seven towns in the Northern Wa Region, in Baan Tang Yang, Pang Sang, Mon Pawk, Mon Hla, Nawng Hkio, Mandalay and Mong Kyawt. The Doi Tung Development Project is already in place in Baan Yong Kha, Wan Hong, Yong Pang and Hwe Aw towns in the Southern Wa Region. Thai staff working there say public health problems are getting worse in Yong Pang, where dozens of local people have sought treatment for tuberculosis, leprosy and malaria since last month. Yong Pang has 25,000 people. Kanya Wacharin, public health chief from Chiang Rai province, who joined the Doi Tung Development Project in the Southern Wa Region said most Wa people falling ill suffered from malaria, tuberculosis, hepatitis and leprosy. Burmese and Wa authorities want more Thai doctors working at Baan Yong Kha hospital, which opened recently and employs one local doctor and four nurses. Two Thai doctors work there at intervals, sometimes accompanied by a Thai dentist. ___________________________________ Bangkok Post, December 28, 2003 Wa keen on expanding scheme By Wassana Nanuam United Wa State Army leader Pao Yu Shang has asked Thailand to expand its crop substitution programme to other areas under Wa control. The Wa leader conveyed the message to Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra through Thai representatives who visited the Red Wa-controlled Baan Yong Kha on Friday. Pao Yu Shang has admitted that drug kingpin Wei Hsueh-kang, wanted by both the United States and Thailand on multiple drug charges, had been with the Red Wa, but claimed that the man had fled into hiding. The UWSA president yesterday voiced his appreciation for Mr Thaksin for allowing the transport of tangerines from Baan Yong Kha to Rangoon, Mandalay and China via Chiang Mai's Kiew Pha Wok checkpoint. ``In the past, we could not sell our tangerines. But the Thai prime minister's permission would help the Wa people a great deal. We must say thank you,'' the Red Wa leader said. Pao Yu Shang wants the crop substitution schemes modelled on the Doi Tung Development Project expanded to other Wa-controlled areas such as Pok, Tang Yan, Pang Zang in northern Burma in a bid to eradicate the drug problem. He also praised Doi Tung Development Project director M.R. Disnadda Diskul for his dedication to crop substitution programmes in Burma and thanked Mr Thaksin for approving another 20 million baht for the Baan Yong Kha projects. Mr Pao denied his people were involved in methamphetamine production as they did not have the chemicals and the expertise to do so. He attributed the Wa's poor reputation on ``outsiders''. ``We regret that the global community is unfair to us. We do not produce drugs but are always accused of doing so. We have no media to speak out for us, but we are ready to prove our innocence.'' Pao Yu Shang conceded that poppy cultivation continued in northern Wa state, but said he would try to eradicate it by 2014. He promised to take reporters from Thailand to visit opium plantations in northern Wa state, especially in Pang Sang, the UWSA's stronghold, in February next year. ``I am ready to reveal everything so the global community will understand and help us. It may take time, but I will get rid of opium from Wa state no matter how difficult the task,'' the UWSA president said. The Wa leader said drug warlord Wei Hsueh-kang, blacklisted by the US and Thailand, was made a UWSA unit commander two years ago, but the man later fled into hiding and his whereabouts were unknown to the Red Wa. He said Wei's misconduct was the reason why the world only saw the UWSA as a drug producer and seller. Also on Friday, Col San Pwint, deputy head of Burma's military intelligence, who also visited Baan Yong Kha, confirmed that Rangoon and the Wa would cooperate to eradicate opium, heroin and methamphetamines from Burma by 2014. Three measures to be used under the plan would be crop substitution schemes, anti-drug education programmes, and heavy penalties for drug offenders, he said. He said Bangkok and Rangoon have agreed to turn Tachilek, opposite Chiang Rai's Mae Sai district, Myawaddy, opposite Tak's Mae Sot district, and Kawthaung, opposite Ranong into drug-free zones. REGIONAL ___________________________________ Narinjara, December 28, 2003 Forced Labour Continues in Arakan Sittwe, December 28: Despite the junta claims that there is no forced labour in Burma, there have been incidents of forced labour continue to happened in Ann Township, Arakan state. Between November 15-20th, 25 villagers from May La Maung village of Ann Township had to collect material for the building and forced to build them without receiving any wages. This incident occurred under the direction of Captain Thu Raine Htun, the commander of Ann region under the Western Command. The buildings are to house the engineers and workers for the Ann-MaEi road building. Similarly, 30 villagers from Ka Zu Kaine village were forced to clear the shoulders of the road. According to the local sources, the road between Ann and Ma Ei building has progressed to half a mile by the end of November, and the regional military authority are getting the local people to "volunteer" at the road building by saying that "you should work to build the road you are going to use, and who else would come and build for you." OPINION/OTHER ___________________________________ The Nation, December 29, 2003 REGIONAL PERSPECTIVE: The Bangkok process: one hand clapping By Kavi Chongkittavorn The Thaksin administration has done a good job in deceiving the Thai people and international community into thinking that the informal meeting on Burma recently was a triumph for democratic reform there. The Bangkok process, as it is now called, was the latest attempt by Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra to legitimise the military junta leaders in Rangoon and annihilate the opposition party led by Aung San Suu Kyi. The tactic is simple: Bangkok will serve as a springboard for Burma to demonstrate its willingness to proceed towards the seven-point road map to democracy, one step at a time. Burma's Prime Minister Khin Nyunt announced the plan in August following the Thai effort to rekindle the stalled political process with its own road map. Therefore future progress inside Burma will be at a pace commensurate with the level of collective pressure applied by the international community. If Burma can continue this charm offensive for an additional 30 months, the international community, especially the dialogue partners of Asean, will have to accept the fait accompli of the Rangoon junta. Burma is scheduled to host the annual foreign-ministerial meeting and the Asean Regional Forum in July 2006. This time frame should not be a problem, because the junta has been able to drag out the process of national reconciliation and political dialogue very much to its own design since May 1990, when it lost the election to the National League of Democracy. If this scenario proves correct, the international community of various convictions on Burma will not be able to unite against the junta in months to come. Burma's calculated move is an imitation of the Iraqis' experience in handling the process of on-site inspections for weapons of mass destruction (WMD) before the US invasion of Iraq in March. During his reign, former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein drove a wedge between the US and its European allies as well as the UN in their search for WMD. For a decade after the Gulf War, Iraq successfully deployed the so-called "one step forwards, two steps backwards" tactic to engage the international community seeking WMD. This slow but determined process allowed Iraq to continue to conceal its weapons programmes and stay afloat. It also further divided the international community, especially within the UN Security Council. In the end, strong ambivalence within the council led to the failure to obtain a UN mandate and the US government's decision to act alone, leading to the current situation in Iraq. However, in the Burmese situation things are quite different, favouring the junta. First of all there has never been strong and sustained solidarity among the international community. The May 30 incident was exceptional in uniting the benign Asean, moderate Japan and hard-line US and EU in calling for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi. When the Asean leaders met in Bali in October the much-heralded appeal for her release was no longer so evident. Thaksin urged Asean leaders to give the junta under Khin Nyunt a chance. The junta's next logical step was to create a virtual national-reconciliation process that would duplicate the Asean turnaround in the EU. The immediate aim was to pacify some key EU members. It is working already, as some have expressed support, although cautiously. Suddenly, concerned countries have forgotten to discuss the further release of political prisoners, political freedom for opposition parties and an investigation into the May 30 incident. Burma's formula is to ascertain that the process is moving in a sustained way, even though at a creeping pace, as expressed by the UN special envoy Tan Sri Ismail Razali following the Bangkok meeting. The main tactic here is to get the National Convention going as soon as possible. Foreign Minister Win Aung said Burma would hold the National Convention next year. The pledge quickly garnered support. He added that representatives of Burmese society, comprising minorities, academics and political parties including the NLD, would be invited to send representatives to the convention. That much was clear. Thailand would like to see some tangible progress before calling for a follow-up meeting later in 2004. The sooner the convention is held, the better for Thailand's reputation. The junta has in mind a total of 800 representatives taking part in the convention. Ninety representatives would come from the NLD. At the moment, nobody knows if the NLD is free to pick its own people or if the junta will do it for them. Judging from the regime's past behaviour, it will likely be the latter. Burma hopes that during the convention the NLD participation will obscure the fact that the whole process has been orchestrated by Rangoon. As long as Suu Kyi continues her silence, cut off from the process, and the political status quo remains without major hiccups, a sense of ambivalence will reign. This will lead to further indecisiveness in Western countries. That is exactly the junta's intention. For the time being, with Thailand as Burma's underwriter, Asean is off the hook. After all, it is Thaksin's show. No wonder he is eager to further cement ties with Burma and to show that the pariah state means business. The game plan is to allow the Bangkok process to move along even if it leads to the destruction of democratic forces inside Burma. ___________________________________ Mizzima, December 28, 2003 NATIONAL RECONCILIATION - the long and painful path By Salai Kipp Kho Lian Amidst the complexity of conflict between Burma's rival political forces and the subsequent long and painful sufferings inflicted upon our country's national psyche are the seemingly unending calls for solutions that are as diverse and complicated as the conflicts itself. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi reduces all these complexities into a few simple words in which one can find a philosophy or path our people can embrace to bring the country out of its long nightmare and lead towards unity and prosperity. These key words are National Reconciliation. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has said, "It has always been the firm conviction of those working for democracy in Burma that it is only through meaningful dialogue between diverse political forces that we can achieve national reconciliation which is the first and most vital requisite for a united and prosperous country." After a long and fierce debate among themselves, the Burma Strategy Group (BSG) has reached a consensus to embrace the path of national reconciliation as their firm political conviction as a solution to our country's problem. It is firmly believed that the process of national reconciliation will eventually bring about peace, unity and prosperity for the entire people of Burma. This political path, contrary to some critics' assertion, is not an easy path but rather a remarkably difficult path. The starting point of this long walk to freedom is in the 'mind set' of all those working for democracy in Burma - the psychological preparations that pains one's heart and at the same time challenges ones long-held prejudices. The words 'national reconciliation' themselves imply, among others, forgiveness. Moreover, for national reconciliation to bear fruit, it is completely impossible for a single force or a group of forces to walk the path alone. The chosen path, at its core, demands all former rival forces to walk together towards achieving a single goal - no more as rivals but as partners in re-building a prosperous country. As such, to walk this path of national reconciliation entails painful psychological preparations to be endured by each of us. And these preparations take place in the parts of our psyche which provokes conflict and terrible suffering inside us. A few may falter at this earlier or initial stage of our psychological preparations even before walking a single step on this long path. Some may not be able to resist the terrible sufferings inflicted upon them by friends for having chosen this path. We know this path will be a difficult and painful one. Nevertheless we have chosen and embraced this path determined to walk together with all our compatriots until the envisioned goal of freedom and prosperity is achieved. ___________________________________ Channel News Asia, December 28, 2003 Myanmar artist creates beautiful masterpieces from palm materials The people of Myanmar have long used palm trees for their everyday needs - from home utensils to medicine. Now, one man has found yet another way of using parts of the palm that used to be thrown away. Artist U Thein Lwin has even managed to turn his creativity into a profitable business, capturing rural life in Myanmar using only natural products. The beautiful art pieces he creates are made from palm trees. Toddy Palms thrive in Myanmar's dry and hot plains and parts of the palm have long been used in various ways to make writing and roofing materials, household utensils, for lumber, as ingredients for popular local snacks and drinks and even medicines and soap. And from the fronds to the root, almost every part of the palm is now also being used to create a masterpiece. The founder of the workshop also thinks this is one of the best ways to recycle. U Thein Lwin said: "In the countryside, I saw villagers burning toddy palm leaves to make a fire. I wanted to save money for the country by not letting these materials go to waste. So I came upon an idea to make pictures out of palm materials. I think it worked". It certainly did for these art work have been well received by both locals and foreigners. So with lots of hardwork and creativity - what you get is a very profitable skill. ___________________________________ Asian Tribune, December 29, 2003 Burma needs a full time UN Envoy - Myint Thein Burma needs a full time UN Envoy, not a part-time envoy. Razali has become useless in Burma because of his conflict of interest problem. Razali has become part of the problem, rather than part of the solution, Myint Thein, Senior Advisor to the Burmese Resistance told in an interview. Excerpts of the interview are given below: Question : Bo Mya suggests that the ceasefire negotiations will take up to two years. Do you agree with this prediction? Myint Thein : KNU probably wants a UWSA type cease-fire agreement whereby SLORC/SPDC troops cannot enter Karen held territory. KNU will also want economic rights so that the autonomous Karen state can fund essential social services. These types of negotiations can take many years. Question : Why do you think the General Khin Nyunt Road-Map meeting in Bangkok on December 15, 2003 was a joke? Myint Thein : The Bangkok meeting made history as the first Conflict Resolution Meeting that only invited one party to the conflict to attend the meeting. They don't even know how to organize a "fake" conference. Question : What is your opinion of Thaksin? Myint Thein : Thailand should not overlook the threat on its national security. The North Korean Scud Missiles, is being deployed by SLORC/SPDC in lower Burma is within striking distance of Bangkok. Question : What is your opinion of Razali? Myint Thein : He is functionally useless. We need a UN Envoy who does not have a conflict of interest problem. How can the UN say the ethic rules that govern all UN employees do not apply to the UN Special Envoys. They should be held to a higher standard, and not a lower standard. Razali is now given an opportunity to resign. We started monitoring UN envoy Razali due to an article in the Myanmar Times (secretly owned by Burma's Military Intelligence) in their December 7, 2001 issue, which stated that UN Envoy Razali, accompanied by Secretary ? 1, Khin Nyunt, attended the 10th Anniversary Party of Serge Pun & Associates at the Inya Lake Hotel. This was a "lavish dinner party for over 1,000" guest. It is highly inappropriate for the UN envoy, on an official UN visit, to be attending a business party as a guest of S-1 Khin Nyunt. Yet Razali stated in the International ?Herald Tribune? (May 7,2002) that he was so busy during his official UN visits to Burma that he didn't "have time to brush my teeth twice". Burma needs a full time UN Envoy, not a part-time envoy. Razali has become useless in Burma because of his conflict of interest problem. Razali has become part of the problem, rather than part of the solution.