The word “reconciliation” can barely be found in books about Burma’s political history. The recent bloody crackdown has made national reconciliation seem even more elusive and distant.

Yet national reconciliation is the only thing that can prevent more bloodshed in Burma. But how can Burma create a spirit-a will-for true reconciliation?

In fact, reconciliation may seem too idealistic, at this particular moment. The military regime and the people are as polarized as ever since the bloody days of September when monks and protesters were gunned down.

Bloodshed makes reconciliation very hard. The Burmese people, the entire world, reeled at images of blood soaked monks’ robes, pools of blood on monastery floors, and blood stained sandals abandoned on the streets of Rangoon. Critics and diplomats inside the country who witnessed the crackdown say it was “very systematic.”

The Burmese people’s anger over the way the monks were treated will never end. Public opposition to the ruling regime will never end.

And, the aftershocks, especially in Rangoon, continue day and night, with troops hunting down activists and monks who played important roles during the demonstrations.

The regime seems determined to keep cracking down on democratic forces until the opposition is totally eliminated.  Myanma Alin, the junta’s mouthpiece, said on Wednesday all “destructive elements” would be uprooted.

For now, tolerance-the will for reconciliation-seems to be gone, on both sides. But for how long can we afford to go on without reconciliation?

Only a few days ago, the junta’s Foreign Minister Nyan Win said in the UN General Assembly, “Normalcy has now returned to Myanmar [Burma].”

But in truth, there is no normalcy without reconciliation.

The US ambassador to the UN, Zalmay Khalilzad, said recently it is “time to prepare for a transition” in Burma. As farfetched as it sounds now, that is exactly what opposition pro-democracy groups, inside and outside Burma, must seriously consider and begin making appropriate plans.

This week the regime appointed a liaison officer, called Minister for Relations, to work with detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

Here are some significant areas that must be realistically addressed, looking beyond the anger and distrust that exists today:

1. Transition planning must be inclusive. All sides must accept that all parties: opposition groups, ethnic groups and the military have legitimate and vested interests in finding a path toward reconciliation and the transition to a power-sharing arrangement.

2. The junta must announce a national ceasefire.

3. All political prisoners must be released.

4. Suu Kyi must play a key role in the reconciliation and transition process.

5. Asean must play a leadership role in negotiations between the ruling junta and opposition groups. The generals will be more flexible in dealing with Asean than the West. China should be invited to take part in the process.

6. Economic responsibilities should be in the hands of economic experts.

We all know it will be difficult, but the reconciliation process must begin. There’s no other choice.

The top US diplomat in Rangoon, Shari Villarosa, told reporters in Hawaii, referring to a political solution in Burma, that all nations need to “push it and push it and push it some more.”

The UN and the international community have no other choice but to keep pushing the idea of national reconciliation and governmental transition in Burma.

Only in that way can we save the lives of more Burmese people and monks, who-make no mistake-are willing to die for freedom.

The world doesn’t need to see any more bloodshed on Burma’s streets. We must all work harder to find a way to national reconciliation-no matter how distant or farfetched it may sound.