But with the current trial of democracy advocate and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi drawing widespread international condemnation, ASEAN once again faces a critical test in its quest for legitimacy. The time is now ripe for ASEAN to pressure the Burmese regime to accept the organization’s governing terms, by cutting off its economic support to the country. Strategic economic sanctions targeted at Burma could help bring down the military junta that rules the nation. More importantly, penalizing Burma will demonstrate to member nations and the world that ASEAN is a legitimate and effective regional organization.

ASEAN was founded in 1967 to accelerate economic growth, increase social progress, and foster cultural development in Southeast Asia. Sensitive to the cultural and political differences in neighboring countries, ASEAN sought to achieve its stated objectives through mutual respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national identity of all members. These principles, referred to as the “ASEAN Way,” are exemplified in ASEAN’s policy of non-interference in the activities of its member nations.

But recent changes to the exact wording of ASEAN’s founding charter now require member nations to govern according to certain principles — including the rule of law, the protection of human rights, and the promotion of social justice. By any measure, the military junta that rules Burma has not complied with any of the principles described in the ASEAN charter.

Since its induction into ASEAN in 1997, Burma has been the proverbial elephant in the room, with member states reluctant to discuss, let alone confront, the country’s regime. Perhaps ASEAN was hoping that circumstances would improve over time. Unfortunately, the opposite has proven true: Humanitarian conditions have only deteriorated in Burma over the last few decades.

In September 2007, the junta ordered soldiers to fire on Buddhist monks, who were peacefully protesting throughout the country in an appeal for a more democratic society. After Cyclone Nargis made landfall in southern Burma in April 2008, the junta blocked large amounts of foreign aid and disaster relief. Now the government has charged democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi with violating the terms of her house arrest. The trial is viewed as a sham by the international community and serves as a reminder to ASEAN that the military junta is out of step with its principles.

Suu Kyi and members of Burma’s democracy movement have repeatedly called for international sanctions on the junta. But most countries in the developed world can do embarrassingly little to punish Burma because of the lack of ties they maintain. ASEAN nations, on the other hand, are among Burma’s largest trading partners, giving them leverage that Western nations and international organizations like the United Nations lack. Thailand alone purchases more than 44 percent of Burma’s total output each year. Exploiting such leverage could pressure the junta to either conform to the terms of the ASEAN charter or risk regime collapse.

Given that China is Burma’s largest non-ASEAN trading partner, it would be important — though not vital — to gain Beijing’s support for any sanctions that ASEAN applies. At current levels, China could likely continue its trade with Burma without negating the effects of ASEAN sanctions. Should it choose to increase trade and aid, on the other hand, China could keep Burma’s military regime afloat by itself. But it would take a substantial increase in its current levels of trade, and would unambiguously undermine ASEAN sanctions in such a way that China would have to answer to the international community.

There are many voices within the ASEAN community that decry economic sanctions targeted at Burma, arguing that they will not affect the leaders of the junta, but will instead only add to the burdens of the country’s suffering citizens. But a quick glance at the country’s budget priorities demonstrates that this is not the case. Burma’s junta, for example, spends merely 1.4 percent of its GDP on health and education. By putting an end to the steady stream of income into the junta’s pockets, ASEAN can send a strong message that the organization will not tolerate the deplorable government of the ruling generals.

In a sign of strengthening resolve, the Singapore government announced last month that “expelling Burma from ASEAN isn’t the way to bring about reform in the military-ruled nation, even if it tarnishes the group’s credibility.” Instead, Singapore ratcheted up its stance on Burma this past week by declaring, “no new investment without reform.” If it follows through, Singapore could pave the way for other ASEAN governments to impose economic sanctions on Burma. At the very least, according to some analysts, Singapore’s declaration signals an end to the old, commercially motivated indulgence of the junta.

If ASEAN can agree to level economic sanctions against the dictatorship, it can simultaneously pressure the government while putting itself on the path towards international legitimacy. Continued failure to take action, on the other hand, could render the organization irrelevant at a time when regional coordination by a legitimate governing body is needed to address the challenges of the future. As Burma’s chief trading partners and neighbors, only ASEAN members can apply effective pressure to the oppressive military regime. Time has run out. ASEAN must finally confront its most daunting challenge.

Colby Pacheco is a Research Fellow for Asia Chronicle. The views expressed are his own. He can be reached at research@asiachroniclenews.com.